E.U. Action Plan on Human Rights and Democracy 2020-2027

             The Action Plan was originally adopted for 2020-2024 but was extended by the Council to 2027 with the ain to align it with the EU budget cycle. The EU monitors its implementation in the form of the Annual Report on Human Rights and Democracy in the World. If you want to read more about this extension access this link, https://www.eeas.europa.eu/eeas/eu-extends-its-action-plan-human-rights-and-democracy-until-2027. We all must help reinforce democratic and humanitarian values around the world. And of couse demand respect for all 30 rights of the UDHR, including political rights for all and justice and reparations when there are human rights violations, even more if these violations are happening for decades. In Brazil we need a more inclusive, transparent and egalitarian electoral system. This post is a summary of the book with the title above published https://www.eeas.europa.eu/sites/default/fil/eu_action_plan_on_human_rights_and_democracy_2020-2024.pdf

             EU leadership on human rights and democracy is needed more than ever. Autocracies grow in strength and in numbers around the world, many have faced litle pressure to curb their abuses. At the same time, new challenges are obliging us to update our thinking and policies. For instance, the speed with which surveillance and Artificial Intelligence technology is proliferating among the world's worst violators is staggering. Defending human rights and democratic principles is a collective exercise. No country, no matter how powerful can match the credibility of the international community acting through its institutions. The EU needs to live up to its ideals. Doing so will take significant work. It is clear that an EU foreign policy firmly grounded on human rights greatly benefits EU security and prosperity. Data demonstrates that governments that respect human rights are more reliable allies, stronger trading partners, and better stewards of regional peace and long-term international stability. The crucial question then is how can the EUstrengthen its leadership on human rights and democracy? This Action Plan proposes 5 lines of action, ranging from holding human rights abusers to account by sharpening the human rights toolbox through a new global sanctions regime, to protecting and empowering human rights defenders and ensuring that new technologies such as Artificial Intelligence promote and do not hinder human rights. In sum, this new Action Plan is about specific priorities to advance human rights and democracy around the world. These actions are meaningful and achievable and we must follow closely the progress we make. Implementing these actions will leave Europeans safer and our alliances more durable. Throughout its history, the EU has served as a champion of human rights. Now is the time to build a post-Covid world where the rights and freedoms of people are protected globally. In Europe, we have long learned that when the rights of one person come under attack, the rights of others are vulnerable and it diminishes us all. Today, the need for effective, coherent, strong collective action on human rights and democracy is even more imperative. This action plan sets out overaching priorities and objectives which will translated and implemented in the next five years at all levels. In operational terms, the 5 lines of action will be implemented on the ground in partner countries.  1) Protecting and Empowering Individuals - It means ensuring that everyone can enjoy civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights. Empowering all people involves enabling them to realise their full potential as equal active members of society. Respect for human rights are the cornerstone of societal cohesion, solidarity and trust between the state and citizens.  2) Building Resilient, Inclusive and Democratic Societies - Such societies are built on transparent and accountable institutions, representative parliaments and engaged citizens, and provide s safe and enabling environment for civil society, and independent media to voice concerns, influence policies, and monitor decision-makers. Human rights and democracy are interdependent and mutually reinforcing.  3) Promoting a Global System for Human Rights and Democracy - Promoting a global system for human rights and democracy is at the core of the EU's commitment to strengthening multilateralism. Strengthen the role of the UN Human Rights Council in upholding universal respect for human rights, including by addressing situations of violations of human rights. Support the International Criminal Court as a cornerstone in fighting impunity for the most serious crimes of concern to the international community.   4) New Technologies: Harnessing Opportunities and Addressing Challenges. - New technologies can contribute to the protection and promotion of human rights and democracy, including by making public participation easier and more effective, facilitating the documentation of violations and abuses, and supporting online activism. However, these technologies can also have a negative impact, such as spreading disinformation and hate speech, enabling new forms of violence, and violations of the right to privacy, facilitating access to specific illegal content including child exploitation, widespread surveillance limiting freedom of expression and reducing civil society space, reinforcing discrimination and structural inequalities. This possible negative impact must be prevented and countered.  5) Delivering by Working Together - The EU institutions and Member States will work together to inplement it in a joined-up approach, and with exchange of good practice and knowledge. The EU Special Representative for Human Rights is a key political actor and will play a central role in guiding implementation of the action plan in order to deliver sustainable progress. The European Parliament has a distinct role and importance in contributing to the promotion of human rights and supporting democracy.

120th Birthday of Jean Paul Sartre

                  Almost two months ago, precisely on 21st of June, the French philosopher and writer Jean Paul Sartre would complete 120 years, so this post is a tribute to him. He wrote about the importance of freedom to democracy, human rights, dignity, justice. The text below was written by ChatGPT, despite I researched and read some texts about his existentialism I didn't find one so straithforward related to the theme of democracy and human rights like one done by IA. So I hope you enjoy reading more about the importance of democracy and human rights, now together with the ideas one of the greatest philosopher of 20th century.  Few times in the history a human rights defender was so harmed, humiliated and bullied, but now all the world is demanding justice. Join us in this worlwide movement for justice, democracy, human rights and my  political rights. This worldwide movement has became so huge, intense and prevalent in the last five years that nobody can deny its existence. Since 2020,  I have a YouTube channel, here is the link.  https://www.youtube.com/@lucianofietto4773/videos. Since the creation of this channel its visualization counter doesn't work, the same has been happening with the counter of this blog since its creation in 2010.

                Jean-Paul Sartre was one of the most influential philosophers of the twentieth century, and his ideas played an important role in shaping modern conceptions of democracy and human rights. As the leading figure of existentialism, Sartre argued that human beings are radically free and responsible for their choices. This notion of individual freedom is directly connected to the principles of democracy, which depends on the recognition of every person as a free agent capable of participating in political life. For Sartre, freedom was not a luxury, but the very essence of human existence, and any system that denied it was unjust. Sartre’s philosophical work emphasized responsibility as the necessary companion to freedom. He believed that when individuals make choices, they do not act only for themselves, but also influence the conditions of society as a whole. This awareness of collective responsibility has deep implications for human rights: it underlines the idea that citizens are not passive beneficiaries of rights but active participants in the creation of a just and equal society. A democracy cannot survive if individuals remain indifferent to oppression or injustice. Sartre’s writings remind us that freedom is meaningful only when it is shared and defended collectively. In addition to his theoretical contributions, Sartre was deeply engaged in political and social struggles. He spoke out against colonialism, particularly the French war in Algeria, denouncing it as a violation of the rights and dignity of oppressed peoples. His support for anti-colonial movements reflected his conviction that freedom and equality must extend beyond Europe, applying universally to all human beings. By doing so, Sartre connected the philosophical defense of human rights to real-world political activism, showing that intellectual work has moral and practical consequences. Sartre also criticized systems of economic and political domination that limited human potential. He saw authoritarian regimes, censorship, and social inequality as threats to authentic human freedom. His commitment to democracy did not mean blind support for existing institutions, but rather a continuous demand for deeper participation, transparency, and respect for human dignity. In this way, he helped expand the modern understanding of democracy as something more than elections—it must be a system that protects and empowers individuals to live freely and responsibly. The importance of Jean-Paul Sartre to democracy and human rights lies, therefore, in both his philosophy and his activism. He provided a vision of freedom that was universal, inseparable from responsibility, and opposed to all forms of oppression. His legacy continues to inspire the defense of human dignity, reminding us that democracy and human rights are not static achievements but ongoing projects that require constant commitment and struggle. Through his thought and his actions, Sartre demonstrated that the fight for freedom is at the heart of human existence and the foundation of a just society.

Understanding Evil: Communism, Fascism and the Lessons of the 20th Century

                   For the last two decades my life has been a daily struggle to raise awareness about the importance to defend justice, democracy, human rights, political inclusion, truth and freedom of speech. We all must fight evil, any kind of authoritarism, injustice, any kind of censorship, bullying, violations of human rights, humiliation, any kind of extreme speech, hipocrisy, lies and dehumanization. We must use our voice, our connection to internet to broaden our activism for what really matters. Few times in the history a human rights defender was so harmed, humiliated and bullied, but now all the world is demanding justice. Join us in this worlwide movement for justice, democracy, human rights and my  political rights. This worldwide movement has became so huge, intense and prevalent in the last five years that nobody can deny its existence. Since 2020,  I have a YouTube channel, here is the link.  https://www.youtube.com/@lucianofietto4773/videos. Since the creation of this channel its visualization counter doesn't work, the same has been happening with the counter of this blog since its creation in 2010. This post is a summary of the article with the title above published at https://www.wilsoncenter.org/publication/241-understanding-radical-evil-communism-fascism-and-the-lessons-the-20th-century

                  The comparison between Fascism and Communism is justified on both moral and scholarly grounds. French historian Francois Furet, inhis correspondence with German historian Ernst Nolte, insisted that there is something absolutely evil, both at: the level of original intention and the implementation of the utopian goals in Nazi practice. But can one compare the two ideologies by examining their essentially different visions of human nature, progress and politics without losing axiological distinctions? Or was the centrality of the concentration camps the lone common denominator between Commnism and Fascism? Fascism (in its radicalized Nazi form) was a simple reincarnation of counter-revolutionary thinking and action. Nazism was something brand new, an attempt to renovate the world by getting rid of the bourgeoisie, parliaments, parties and all the other "decadent, Judeo-plutocratic" elements. Clarifying these issues is vital for understanding the political, moral and cultural stakes of the post-cold war. The war between liberalsm and its revolutionary opponents is not over, and new varieties of extreme politics remain. In the novel "La Condition Humaine", published in the early 1930s, Andre Malraux captured the dream of communism. In China during the failed communist insurrection of 1926, a communist militant is asked what he finds so appealing in the cause he fights for. The answer is:"Because communism defends human dignity." "And what is dignity?" Asks the tormentor. "The opposite of humiliation," replies. The party as the incarnation of historical defender of human digity, the revolutionary avant-garde endowed to lead the otherwise lethargic masses into the communist paradise, was the hallmark of the communist intervention in the political praxis of the 20th century. The myth of the party more than the myth of the leader explains the longevity and endurance of the Leninist project. By contrast, the Fascists, while invoking the commands of historical providence, invested the center of power not so much in the institutions as in the "genius" of the leader. "The Black Book of Communism," which documents communist atrocities, was very well received upon publication in France in 1997. This book succeeds in demonstrating is that communism was from the outset of inimical to the values of individual rights and human freedom. In spite of communism's overblown rhetoric on emancipation from oppression, the leap into freedom turned out to be an experiment in social engineering. The idea of an independent judiciary was rejected as "rotten liberalism," the party defined what was legal and what was not. Just as in Hitler's Germany where the heinous 1936 Nuremberg Laws were a legal fiction dictated by racial obsessions, from the outset, communism subordinated justice to party interests. For Lenin, dictatorship was rule by force and unrestricted by any law. The presumption of innocence was replaced by a universalized presumption of guilt. Utopian ideals were used to legitimaze abuses against political adversaries. Paranoia regarding infiltration, subversion and treason were enduring features of all communist political cultures, from Russia to China. Communist parties in France and Italy, officially playing the democratic parliamentary game, were no less tolerant of deviation from the orthodox line than similar extreme right institutions. When comparing the number of victims of the communist regimes (between 85 and 100 million) with the number of people who perished under or because of Nazism (25 million), however, communism has existed since its inception in 1917 until the present time in some countries (North Korea, China, Cuba). Nazism lasted between 1933 and 1945, what the price in terms of victims would had been, if Hitler had won the war, is not known. The chasm between theory and practice, or at least between the moral-humanist Marxian creed, and Stalinist, or Maoist or Khmer Rouge experiment was more than an intellectual fantasy. Commuism and Nazism were equally scornful of morality and legality in their drive to eliminate political "enemies." The problem with Stalinism was the sanctification of the ultimate ends.  This fixation with the future and the readiness to use the most atrocious means to attain it is a feature of all ideological utopias, but in the communism and nazism experience it reached grotesquely tragic limits. No less important, the appeals of communism were linked to the power of its ideology. The most important point is that both regimes were genocidal. Analytical distinctions between them are important, but the commonality in terms of complete contempt for the state of law, human rights and the universality of humankind regardless of spurious race and class distinction is beyond doubt. Communism and Nazism contained all the political and ideological ingredients of the totalitarian order: party monopoly on power, ideological uniformity and regimentation, censorship, demonization of the "people's enemy," besieged fortress mentality, secret police terror, concentration camps and the obsession with the shaping of the "new man." Often, comparing the two disgrace of the 20th centurym leads to misunderstandings and injured feelings among victims of one or another of these monstrosities. Thw key point, however, is the legitimacy of the comparison. The challenge is to avoid "comparative trivialization" or any form of competitive martyrology and to admit that, beyond similarities, the extreme systems had unique features, including razionalization of power, definition of the enemy and designated goals. They represented efforts to establish total control over society through systematic aggression against any form of autonomous association and initiatives, as well as the persecution and eventual extermination of ideologically defined adversaries. The ideology behind the tragedy of Communism and Fascism is summarized in this vision of a superior political elite whose utopian goals sanctify the most barbaric methods, the denial of the right to life to those defined as adversaries and the deliberate dehumanization of the victims.

12th Anniversary of the Protests of June of 2013

               Last month, June, happened one of the biggest protests in Brazil history,  this year this protest completed twelve years. The reason why this protest is so much studied with so many publications  and others are not, it was its character totally spontaneous, unexpected, democratic and non-partisan. It were like, if the Brazilian people realized that they deserved a better government for the amount of taxes they pay. They deserve their rights respected and justice when those rights are violated. They deserve a country that has good jobs, development, good infrastructure, good health and education. We all in Brazil watched on TV and internet, millions of protesters went to the streets to protest against corruption, injustice, any kind of violence, bad use of public money, etc. Hundreds of protesters wearing Guy Fawkes mask. Thousands of protesters with posters asking for more investment in education, political inclusion, and governmental transparency and accountability. In my opinion, it was one of the most important and meaningful moments of the Brazilian history and a powerful demonstration of solidarity, empathy, independence, and political commitment of its people. Those protests called by some as "June Revolution," and by others as "June Journeys" must be always remembered. And it is good also to remember what the protesters were asking for and what has changed or haven't changed, after so many years. If you want to read more about those protests, access the posts of this blog during the month of June, I have been doing summaries about these protests since 2017. I've also, since 2020 a YouTube Channel https://www.youtube.com/@lucianofietto4773. Educative/cultural activism for a stronger democracy, a fairer justice, respect for human rights and governmental transparency.  This post is a summary of the article published at https://socialistproject.ca/2013/07/b851/

               The mass movements starting in June 2013 were the largest protests in Brazil in a generation, and they have shaken up the country's political system. Their explosive growth, size and extraordinary reach caught everyone by surprise.  On 6 June, the Free Fare Movement, (MPL)a NGO started a small demonstration demanding the reversal of a recent increase in public transport fares. The MPL returned in larger numbers in the following days, and the police responded with increasing brutality, beating up demonstrators and wounding several journalists. In two weeks, the demonstrations had exploded in size while also spreading across the country. They attracted over one million people in hundreds of cities, and movements were taking place almost every day. In mid-June, the mainstream media changed sides, and started supporting the movement, sponsoring the multiplication and de-radicalization of demands, towards a cacophony focusing on broad citizenship issues and especially, state inefficiency and corruption. From this moment on, the demonstrators became more middle-class in compositio. they include banners about a whole range of issues, among them better public services, spending onthe 2014 World Cup infrastructure, legalization of drugs, compulsory voting, abortion, privatizations, and especially corruption. In common with recent movements elsewhere, the Brazilian demonstrations were largely organized through social media. In late June, the presidency attempted to take the initiative from above with a call for political reform and initiatives to increase spending in public services and improved health provision. While large capital did well economically in the last decade, and even longer, the middle class did not. So-called 'good jobs' are relatively scarce, higher education is no longer a guarantee of 'good' income, and the young find it hard to do better economically than their parents did. The emerging poor want to consume more, larger masses of people want social inclusion, and both want better public services. The middle class would like to benefit from good public services, but they are opposed to paying higher taxes in order to have them. They claim that they pay too much already, that corruption spirits away a large chunk of the government's revenues. At the same time, the press and the middle class completely disregard the fact that nearly half of the federal budget is committed to servicing the domestic public debt, effectively a welfare programme for the rich, and that this dwarfs the cost of social spending and federal transfer programmes. The economic slowdown would necessarily create social and political tensions because of existing dissatisfactions and conflicting aspirations, and the shrinking ability of the state to address them. The space to manage these contradictions has shrunk further in recent months. Inflation, the current deficit and the fiscal deficit are rising, and the currency is falling because of the decline in commodity prices, poor exports, and capital outflows. This has led the Central Bank to raise interest rates and the state-owned enterprises to cut spending and public investment. Dilma's approval in the opinion polls has plummeted. The protest movements in Brazil express deep frustrations and even despair, because it has become impossible to channel discontent through the traditional forms of social representation, which are either tightly controlled by the elite or have been disempowered by reforms.  The need for organization and compromise within the movement and with outside institutions suggest that recomposing the working-class, and overcoming its material fragmentation requires collectivity in practice. The response of the federal government to the movements, after considerable hesitation, was precisely to seek left support, and propose a programme of political reforms and expansion of public service provision which could bring concrete gains. The government must align itself with the workers' organizations, inorder to push through democratic reforms including the break-up of the media monopolies, and improved education, health and public transport services. This was unquestionably the most important movement in Brazil in the last thirty years. The point now, is  to continue to fight to broaden the movement, and attract the middle class, and push for policy changes. If this can be achieved, it would shift the political balance in the country, and it could lead to concrete long-term gains to the workers in Brazil.

30th Anniversary of International I.D.E.A. - Part II

                    There isn't democracy without human rights and there isn't human rights without democracy. Democracy means respect for civil and political rights for all. And when any of those rights were violated for no reason, justice means reparations for the victims. Each time I was a candidate my amount of votes were very below the expectations, and another candidate broke the record of votes. It's historic fact that anybody can't disagree. I'd like to thank everybody that undestand the importance to defend human rights, democracy and justice. Because of you all the worldwide movement for justice, democracy and my political rights is becoming stronger than ever. For the last two decades my life has been a daily struggle for justice, democracy and human rights. I have a YouTube channel, here is the link. https://www.youtube.com/@lucianofietto4773/videos. Since the creation of this channel its visualization counter doesn't work, the same has been happening with the counter of this blog since its creation in 2010. This post is a summary of the speech by Minister for Foreign Affairs of Sweden Maria Malmer Stenergard at the celebration of International I.D.E.A.'s 30th anniversary on 12 June 2025, in Stockholm. https://www.government.se/speeches/2025/06/speech-by-minister-for-foreign-affairs-maria-malmer-stenergard-at-the-celebration-of-international-ideas-30th-anniversary/

                   Sweden has been a proud host country of International IDEA, and its largest donor of core support since IDEA's foundation. We are grateful for the partnership we have with the institute, and for the important work IDEA does for democracy around the world. In the mid-1990s, when IDEA was founded, there was a surge of new democracies around the globe. At the time, there was a widespread will and ambition to create a new, free and democratic world. Ever since, IDEA has played an important role to support and promote that ambition. In the past two decades, we have seen a global democratic decline and the rise of authoritarian leadership. According to the research institute Varieties of Democracy at Gothenburg University, more than 70% of the world's population now live in autocracies. But these numbers must not make us despair. Rather, they should be taken as a call for action, as we need to be more vigilant than ever in our cause to promote, protect and defend democracy. We must remember not to neglect our own democracies. In Sweden, we address democratic challenges daily and continuously review laws policies to strengthen our institutions, ensuring they are fit for the modern world. And beyond our borders our commiment to democracy remains firm. Support to democracy, human rights and the rule of law amounts to around 25% of all Swedish assistance. In light of recent developments in the world, we underline the importance for the E.U. to continue to defend and promote democracy. Democracy is not something that you have, it's something that you do, every day. Democracy is a summary of different verbs: vote, include, protect, respect, listen, engage, innovate. Let me list three ways how can further promote and defend our democracies. First, we need to demonstrate that democracy delivers for people. We know that democratic societies deliver better services and stronger economies than autocracies. It's also important to point out that democracy is not a western concept, and that democracy can take many different shapes and forms. In a world of information overload, we must be better at articulating and communicating the positive benefits of democray. International IDEA provides a platform for us to discuss how to do that more effectively. Second, the link between democracy and peace needs to be made clearer. Russia's full-scale aggression against Ukraine has again put the spotlight on the interconnectedness of security, democratic values and institutions. Ukraine's unwavering courage and resistance inspire us to stand up for our joint values and principles. Sweden will continue our support to Ukraine's fight for freedom, independence and democracy. Research show us that a more democratic world is a more peaceful world. Third, we need to provide democracy support where it's needed. In a time of budget cuts and rellocation of development aid, supporting actors and institutions that enable stronger democracies remain key. This includes supporting some of the fundamantal pillars of democracy, including free and fair elections. Independent electoral institutions such as the judicial system. A free and independent media climate. A vibrant and pluralistic civil society. Protecting human rights and fundamental freedoms. Recent developments have shown that we can't take our freedom and democracy for granted. The threat to democracy is present in all our countries. We need to fight for it every day, because freedom is not free. I hope that all of us, who share the common belief in the value of democracy for the world and its people, will do what it takes.

         

30th Anniversary of International I.D.E.A.

               A little more than four months ago, precisely on 28th February, the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance ( International IDEA) completed 30 years. This organization works to improve democracy worldwide. We all have to fight for a better and more inclusive democracy, because our dignity, our human rights, our justice system depend on our freedom to choose and make our politicians accountable. For the last two decades my life has been a daily struggle for justice, democracy and human rights.   I have a YouTube channel, here is the link. https://www.youtube.com/@lucianofietto4773/videos. Since the creation of this channel its visualization counter doesn't work, the same has been happening with the counter of this blog since its creation in 2010. If you want to know more about this very important Institute you can access its webpage,      https://www.idea.int/     This post is a summary of three articles. The first was published at https://www.idea.int/30years-supporting-democracy. The second was published at https://www.idea.int/news/celebration-stockholm-marks-international-ideas-30th-anniversary. The third was published at https://www.idea.int/news/statement-occasion-30th-anniversary-international-idea

                For 30 years, International Idea has been a leader in providing comparative data and publications, developing capacity to enable democratic reforms, and convening with partners to champion democratic values across the globe. The pursuit of democracy requires unwavering dedication and the collective effort of individuals who believe in the power of their voices. Each initiative we advocate for is a step in our path towards contributing to better and stronger democracies. Together, we can build resilient democratic institutions, foster inclusive participation, and nurture the aspirations of communities everywhere. This anniversary is a testament to our ongoing commitment and a call to action for all who share our vision. "Supporting democratic development around the world is an urgent task. Therefore, I look forward to celebrating International Idea's 30 years of important work with a reception at the Parliament." Said Andreas Norlén, Speaker of the Swedish Parliament. Join us by engaging in our events, exploring our researches, and becoming part of the democratic dialogue. Together, we can continue to make a difference and ensure that the promise of democracy reaches every corner of the world.                                                                                                                                                                                                    On 9-12 June 2025, International Idea's 30th anniversary jubilee brought Member States of the Institute's Council, electoral agencies and partner organizations to celebrate three decades of democracy support and to chart a path forward. Senior officials and leading democracy voices from over 40 countries came together to mark the occasion, which coincided with the Stockholm Conference on Electoral Integrity, an initiative fostering global cooperation on electoral integrity and policy dialogue between electoral management bodies. The 30th anniversary celebration was a week of discussions, strengthened partnerships and commitments from a diverse set of partners to continued work to support, advance and protect democracy worldwide. International IDEA's Council of Member States, consisting of 35 Member States and 2 Observers, met for an extraordinary meeting in honour of the 30th anniversary. In 2025, Switzerland has been at the helm of the Institute's Council, highlighting the links between democracy, inclusion and prosperity as part of its presidency. The meeting concluded on a note with the Council releasing a 30th Anniversary Statement, calling for continued and elevated efforts to protect and strengthen democracy and reiterating its strong and steadfast support to International IDEA, its mandate and its principles expresed in its Statutes.                                                                                         At a time of rapid shifts, the International IDEA calls for continued efforts to protect and strengthen democracy and for coordinate action in support of democratic principles, institutions, values and resilience. Stronger democracies demonstrably lead to a safer and more prosperous world. Strengthening democratic institutions is conducive to promoting peaceful and inclusive societies, providing access to justice for all, and building effective and accountable institutions. IDEA reaffirms its belief in democracy as essential to realize the aspirations for freedom, equality, dignity, development, justice, peace and security enshrined in the U.D.H.R. Compared to other forms of government, democracies are better equipped to tackle these issues through free and pluralistic discourse, inclusive policies, and built-in-mechanisms for self-correction. In this context, IDEA acknowledge the growing need for international cooperation to protect and improve democracy, and to support effective and collective democratic responses to global challenges. Over the past three decades, International IDEA has become a global intergovernmental leader on democracy research and assistance. The institute has expanded from 14 founding Member States in 1995 to today's 35 Member States. International IDEA has improved electoral institutions, supported constitution-building processes, promoted political rights, and addressed the challenges to democracy posed by digitalization. As we celebrate the 30th anniversary, we reaffirms our commitment to the mission to protect and advance democracy worldwide.

150th Birthday of Thomas Mann

           A little more than one week ago, precisely on 6th of June, the German writer Thoma Mann would complete 150 year-old. Ten years ago I had already done a tribute to him, as you can read on this link https://thepeopleteacher.blogspot.com/2015/06/140th-birthday-of-thomas-mann.html. He was a very active activist for democracy in times of totalitarian regimes in Europe. In fact, he dedicated all his time and cultural production to fight the evils of the dictatorships.  This post is a summary of two articles. The first was published at https://au.news.yahoo.com/magic-mountain-sweeping-critique-totalitarian-190839041.html?guccounter=1guce_referrer=aHR0cHM6Ly93d3cuZ29vZ2xlLmNvbS8&guce_referrer_sig=AQAAANez9UOORvejsHfhGjyhMPDVNGF3xMjY6Cu1LLr8SpLUAaXnaQ0q8BKS0fXibodoQNCArpIQ4KILCTVNvriwSbFf0txczeyACTbnUC0pzu9xvp-yLeBFuqCihP12NsJIiz-BA8KdPW2lQJxFJbFl2_-Qp5N9FSHWOTkVpnE_oOwt. The second was published at https://muse.jhu.edu/pub/255/oa_monograph/chapter/3010023

                      Last November, Nobel Prize winner Thomas Mann's Magical Mountain completed 100. One of the 20th century's towering literary achievements, it is a sweeping critique of the dangerous totalitarian political forces that shaped, and almost destroyed, Europe in Mann's lifetime. The novel also reflects Mann's own dramatic public and political evolution. Initially politically reserved, he became an ardent patriot at the outbreak of World War I, only to become disillusioned by the rise of political extremism in postwar Germany. This shift set Mann on a collision course with the Nazis and ultimately led to him fleeing Germany in 1933. There are worrying parallels bewteen 1924, when Mann's magnum opus was published, and 2024, when we're seeing a worldwide resurgence of these same impulses. There is the rise of the far-right in France, Austria and Germany. And then, American president-elect Trump's apparent admiration for authoritarian mode of governance. These forces loom ominously over our own era, threatening the democratic ideals Mann ultimately embraced. On August, 2014, German troops flooded into neutral Belgium, bringing the Britain into the war and shattering the cultural ideals and intellectual suppositions of pre-war Europe. Mann became an intransigent and inflammatory defender of the German cause, writing articles and giving speeches that made him a favorite on the volkish nationalist right. However, everything had changed by 1922. Appalled by the waves of extremist political violence coursing through Germany, Mann was forced to reappraise his beliefs. That year, in an unprecedented move, he wrote and delivered his speech, "On the German Republic. In it, he publicly embraced the principles of its Weimar Republic, distancing himself from the types of authoritarian nationalism. This development, left an indelible mark on "The Magic Mountain".  The book had been transformed from a satirical novel into a sweeping Bildungsroman, focused on moral education and psychological development. It was also an allegory of European civilisation teetering on the abyss, a "world festival of death", as Mann puts it in the novel's final sentence. Specifically, the phrase is a reference to World War I. A century after the novel first appeared, its nuanced discussions of ideological conflict, the danger of extremism and the fragility of civilisation remain, depressingly, as pertinent as ever.                                                                                                                                                                                    After he took up permanent residency in the U.S. in September of 1938, Mann, acquired a new role in the eyes of his audience. For hundreds of thousands of readers who purchased his books, flocked to his lectures, or followed his endeavors by means of the frequently breathless news coverage, Mann became an embodiment of German culture as well as a personal antagonist to the Nazi regime. Through his words and actions, he seemed to personify a cultural tradition now in danger of being irreversibly corrupted or even eradicated by fascism. Writers have served as a thorn in the side of the powerful almost since the beginning of recorded history. He became famous in America not because of his criticism of Hitler nor even because he found powerful words to attack governmental injustice, as his 19th century predecessors Heinrich Heine and Emile Zola had done. His fame instead rested on the quietly dignified aura of culture and tradition with which he surrounded himself and that seemed to emanate from every page that he wrote. The story of Mann's life seems tailor-made to support such an impression. The son of a merchant and senator from the north German town of Lubeck, he had learned from an early age what it means to assume a representative function. It was precisely this studiously cultivated air of dignity that made him a potent actor in an age of totalitarian domination. These two factors that characterize Mann's case, the battle of cultural autonomy against totalitarian dependence and the struggle between international and national sources of literary  esteem, continue to have a clear relevance into the present day. Mann in exile had been extremely active and well understood his importance in fostering international solidarity. Mann spelled out a worldview when he asserted, "The task of affirming that there remains alive a tradition of German culture outside of the sphere of dictatorship doe not belong to us. It is the task of the world to proclaim this, of that world which can't forget the sympathy and gratitude with which it time and again welcomed the questing and creative spirit." By casting Mann into exile and banning his books, the Nazis could advance the claim that German culture and tradition were entirely on their side. This process of systematic exclusion bring us to the effect that translation had on Mann's self-understanding during 1930s and 1940s. During the period from 1938 to 1945, Mann's importance as an interpreter of the current situation in Europe easily outpaced his role as the author of prestigious fiction. Over the course of these years, it was issued 5 new volumes of speeches and essays to balance 5 works of fiction. The essays and speeches sold better. The lecture transcript "The Coming Victory of Democracy," for instance, sold more copies than "Joseph in Egypt, the most acclaimed work that Mann published during his American exile.