Free and Fair Elections

                Next 2nd of October, a little more than two months from now, there will be elections. It is very important that everyone who wants to participate in the process can exercise this right as a candidate or voter. The meaning of the title of this book is that, the election is only free and fair when there is not exclusion of anyone who wants to take part. Many researches have shown that a greater participation in politics is essential to an effective democracy and consequently a better country. This post is a summary of the book with the title above published in 2006 at   http://www.ipu.org/pdf/publications/free&fair06-e.pdf

              In 1994, when the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) published its Free and Fair elections study and adopted a Declaration on Criteria for Free and Fair elections, few would have imagined the extent to which 'freeness' and 'fairness' would become universally recognized as the standard by which the quality of elections is to be judged. The centrality of free and fair elections to democracy was reconfirmed by IPU in 1997 when they adopted the Universal Declaration on Democracy, stipulating that. "The key element in the exercise of democracy is the holding of free and fair elections at regular intervals enabling the people's will to be expressed. In the Declaration on Criteria for Free and Fair Elections was adopted that, fundamental principles relating to free and fair elections were recognized in universal human rights instruments, including the right of everyone to vote in elections by secret ballot, to have an equal opportunity to become a candidate for elections. and put forward his or her political views, individually or in associations with others. Every individual has the right to the protection of the law and to a remedy for violation of political and electoral rights. The right to participation may only be subject to such restrictions of an exceptional nature which are in accordance with the law. Every individual whose candidature rights are denied or restricted shall be entitled to appeal to a jurisdiction competent to review such decision and to correct errors promptly and effectively. Every candidate and political party competing in an election shall respect the rights and freedoms of others. States should take the necessary legislative steps and measures, in accordance with their constitutional framework for periodic and genuine, free and fair elections, in accordance with their obligations under international law. The last decade has seen a substantial growth in the literature and the science of elections and democracy. Numerous elections have now been monitored by international observers. The UN and especially NGOs have provided technical assistance in conducting elections and in 'constructing' democracy, developing guidelines intended to reflect on lessons learned and finally, if it can be done, to nail down once and for all what it means exactly to have a free and fair election. The UN has continued to provide electoral assistance to be 'rooted in the Organization's responsibility to cooperate with Member States to promote the basic rights enumerated in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights'. Democracy must be embedded in a political system built on the rule of law and respect for human rights. The role of civil society in democratization is the promotion of a democratic culture, based on tolerance, acceptance of differences and a permanent search for compromise, was seen as an essential factor for the consolidation of democracy. Elections were recognized as playing an important role, but they do not create democracy and therefore should also 'be part of a long-term undertaking that will lead to a strengthening of national institutions and democratic processes'. Local elections, in particular, should be recognized for the important role they often play in providing the 'first' direct link between a voter and an elected official. To be sustainable, the democratic order of a state must be authentic and reflect the culture, history and political experience of its citizens. While recognizing the importance for democracy of periodic free and fair elections, a democratic system should also provide opportunities for people to participate fully in all aspects of society. To consolidate democracy through the promotion of pluralism, the protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms, maximizing the participation of individuals in decision-making and the development of competente and public institutions, including an independent judiciary, effective and accountable legislature and public service and an electoral system that ensures free and fair elections. One rationale for elections to be held periodically is that, in principle, this allows the electorate to judge and, if apropriate, to rid itself of a particular government or legislature. in this sense, government and elected representatives remain accountable to the will of the people, from whom they derive their authority or mandate. 'Accountability' also extends to the system and mechanisms by which votes cast are translated into legislative seats, and to the competitive elections take palce. The effective administration of the rules is often as important as the rules themselves. Technical problems often become political problems, while an actual or perceived loss of impartiality on the part of the electoral administration can easily translate into a boycott of the process or refusal to accept the outcome of an election as a 'legitimate' or genuine expression of the will of the people. The international 'election rights' that are the subject of this paper are not new, however. They represent the developed content of rights already established, altough it can not be excluded that this process of consolidation will have novel consequences in other areas of international law and organization, such as sovereignty, legitimacy, membership and international representation. In its internal aspect, self-determination can be read as stating the same objective as is reflected in the principle of free and fair elections that will of the people shall be the basis of the authority of government. UN human rights institutions are only now beginning to make progress in developing the political rights, but activities such as elections montoring and technical assistance at the field level are already contributing significantly to State practice, and thus also to the consolidation of norms and standards. The choice of electoral system and its implementation may nevertheless have a direct effect on related political rights. Majoritarian systems tend to favour two parties. They are relatively straightforward, but in a multi-party situation they give stability the advantage over equity in representation, not only are small or newer parties disadvantaged, but very large parliamentary majorities may be won on the basis of minor electoral victories, considered in porcentage terms. Proportional representation systems aim to allocate seats to political parties proportional to their electoral strength, however, they can encourage the proliferation of parties, and require voting on the basis of party lists, so distancing the voter from the elected and in turn limiting the opportunities for individual, non-party candidatures. By contrast with some of the other indices of free and fair elections, candidates, political parties and political organizations fall more easily within traditional notions of human rights. Article 25 of the Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, for example, provides that every citizen has the right, without discrimination, to take part in the conduct of public affair, to be elected. However, may be subject to a variety of reasonable limitations. Systems and legal guarantees are only a part of the equation that produces a free and fair election. How procedures are actually applied and what happens in practice will ultimately determine whether the people have been able freely to express their will. The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights has remarked on the 'direct relationship' between political rights and representative democracy as a form of the organization of the State, which at the same time presuposes the observance of other basic human rights. From an international law perspective, what counts is a tradition of free and fair elections must be maintained and consolidated over the long-term. To this extent, election obligations and the goal of representative democracy have a programmatic dimension, anticipating progress in building democratic institutions, strengthening the confidence of the people in the democratic process, and leading to better and more democratic government.

160th Birthday of George Bernard Shaw

               Next Tuesday, 26th of July, the Irish writer George Bernard Shaw would complete 160 years old. This post is a tribute to him. In his time, he was a sort of activist for political education. Despite, his very contradictory thoughts, for example being a democracy advocate and to praise authoritarian regimes. I think he deserve a tribute because his extensive political writing, his attempt to educate the people on economics,  politics, gender equality and governance. This post is a summary of three articles. The first was published at https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_Bernard_Shaw. The second was published at  http://digi.library.tu.ac.th/thesis/lib/1011/02chapter1.pdf. The third was at http://econc10.bu.edu/economic_systems/Theory/NonMarx_Socialism/Fabian_soc/george_bernard_shaw_and_the_fabi.htm

               George Bernard Shaw ( 1856-1950 ) was a Irish (from English parents), playwright, music and theatre critic and polemicist whose influence on theatre, culture and politics extended from 1880 to his death and beyond. He wrote more than sixty plays, including major works such as Man and Superman (1902), Pygmalion (1912) and Saint Joan Arc(1923). With a range incorporating both contemporary satire and historical allegory, Shaw became the leading dramatist of his generation, and in 1925 was awarded the Nobel Prize in Literature. Born in Dublin, Shaw moved to London in 1876, where he struggled yo establish himself as a writer and novelist, and embarked on a rigorous process of self-education. Following a political awakening, he joined the Fabian Society, a British socialist organisation whose purpose is to advance the principle of democratic socialism. As founders of the Labour Party in 1900, the Fabian society has influenced British politics to the present day. He sought to introduce a new realism into English-language drama, using his plays as vehicles to disseminate his political, social and religious ideas. In 1938, he provided the screenplay for a filmed version of Pygmalion for which he received an Academy Award. His appetite for politics and controversy remained undiminished and by the late 1920 he renounced democratic socialism and spoke favourably of dictatorships of the right and left. Since Shaw's death scholarly and critical opinion has varied about his work, but he has regularly been rated as second only to Shakespeare among English-language dramatists. From 1895 to 1898, Shaw was the theatre critic for the newspaper The Saturday Review. And he campaigned against the artificial conventions and hypocrisies of the Victorian theatre and called for plays of real ideas and true characters. Shaw's political and social commentaries were published in various Fabian tracts, in essays, in two books, in innumerable newspaper and journal articles. The majority of Fabian Society's tracts were published anonymously, representing the voice of the society, although the society's secretary Edward Pease later confirmed Shaw's authorship. After the turn of the 20th century, Shaw increasingly propagated his ideas through the medium of his plays. In his lifetime, Shaw professed many beliefs, often contradictory. This inconsistency was partly an intentional provocation. Less consistently maintained were Shaw's views on religion. Having  in his youth proclaimed himself atheist. By the early 20th century he termed himself a "mystic", In 1913 he declared that he was not religious "in the sectarian sense", aligning himself with Jesus. In the The Jewish Chronicle, he wrote in 1932, "In every country you can find who have a phobia against Jews, Armenians, Negroes, Freemasons, Irishmen, or simply foreigners. Political parties are not above, exploiting these fears and jealousies." In its obituary tribute to Shaw, The Times Literary Supplement concluded: He was no originator of ideas. He was an insatiable adopter and adapter, an incomparable prestidigitator with the thoughts of the forerunners. Nietzsche, Samuel Butler, Marx, Shelley, Blake, Dickens, Beethoven and Wagner all had their applications and misapplications. By bending to their service all the faculties of a powerful mind, and by every artifice of argument, he carried their thoughts as far as they would reach, so far beyond their sources that they came to us with the vitality of the newly created.

               George Bernard Shaw is considered as one of the greatest playwrights of British theatre for his remarkable literary works both in the field of social criticism and in his theatrical reformation that is regarded by later critics and readers as a milestone of modern drama. He had lived through a crucial period of radical changes in European societies from the late 19th century to early 20th century. At the turn of the century, the major social movements of Realism and Feminism became prominent ideologies in part as a result of the intellectual and scientific developments. Shaw did not agree with Darwin's theory of Natural Selection and Freud's psychoanalysis, both of which implied that men were unable to determine or control thier own wills in the face of outer factors. On the contrary, he had a strong belief in human potential driven by revolutionary passion to bring humanity towards progress through social reformations for a better society. Shaw was one of leading members of the Fabian society, a British socialist association. The principles of socialism were parallel to the feminist moviments. These social and political movements shared the same interest in human equality that offered concerns further on the subjects of education, suitable professions, financial independence, etc. Shaw was an active socialist and feminist, attempted to educate women about the fundamentals of socialism in his book, The Intelligent Women's guide to Socialism and Capitalism (1928). Moreover, there were many women in Shaw's life whose unconventional thoughts and actions had an influence on his advocacy of socialism and feminism. Due to the rise of realism and feminism in the late 19th century, people started to question the social amd moral values of the 19th century Victorian society that used to be accepted as the pillars of society. The Victorian conventions were examined through a realistic perspective which revealed a  decadent and infected side of the society. Female characters in the 19th century literature were mostly portrayed as a helpless weaker sex dominated by male characters and feature old clichés about female roles and conventional sexual morality of Victorian ideals. By the last decade of the century, the figure of the "new woman" became powerful source of themes and characterization in modern literature. The creation of female characters associated with feminist ideals were introduced, and the "heroines who refused to conform to the traditional feminine role, challenged accepted ideals of marriage and maternity, chose to work for a living, became commonplace in the works of both major and minor writers and were firmly indentified by readers and reviewers as "new women". Shaw saw that the new dramatic form of realistic theatre could be used as a potential channel to communicate with his contemporary audience about socialist and feminist ideas. For Shaw, the theatre was not merely a matter of pleasure only but it could represent unpleasant things happening in reality. Shaw affirmed the use of theatre as a venue for debating over social and political ideas in his The Author's Apology to Mrs. Warren's Profession that he was "convinced that art is the subtlest, the most seductive, the most effective instrument of moral propaganda in the world" The dialogues in Shaw's plays are between characters that represent different ideologies to "discuss" the "unbearable faces of truth". The "discussion" part in Shaw's plays allows him to create polemics through his Socratic style dialogues that draw his audience's attention to see them as "models of a dialetic of rational deliberation where common and uncommon understanding meet and fuse promoting new awareness, new visions, and new questions, thus acting as agents of moral-self discovery". Unlike other modern playwrights who presented serious issues by using dramatic elements of tragedy, Shaw chose the genre of comedy to make a parody of human's behaviors and thoughts. Another theatrical invention of Shaw is his exceptionally talkative characters, especially his leading ladies, created to be impressively used in the play's discussion scenes. In some plays, the characterization of the leading ladies embodies the playwrights's views on feminism and they are vividly dramatized in his creative realistic theatre of "Drama of Discussion". 

             Shaw's pragmatic approach to politics and his welfare views along with his talents made a very distinct contribution to the society. He became famous as a socialist agitator, speaking publicly all over London, on political and social questions. The Fabian Society was a socialist organization, dedicated to transforming Britain into a socialist state. The difference from other socialist organizations was that they were to do it not through revolution, as Marx advised, but by systematic, progressive legislation, enhanced by persuasion and mass education. The Fabian Society later went on serve as an instrument in the foundation of the London School of Economics (LSE) and Labor Party. This particular ideology fit perfectly into Shaw's believes, who, even though he had admiration for "Das Kapital", still recognized the flaws with Marx's economic ideas. He did not quite accept the economic principles set forth in the book and realized that they would have little impact on the working class. The way to get social and economic development according to them was through influencing the public in that direction. This was to be accomplished not through mass organization, but by educating those that have political power or could have power to make a difference. From there the reforms will spread on to the rest of society. By the end of the 1930s the Fabian Society had disintegrated and Shaw concentrated in his work as a playwright and journalist. His art will remain for generations to come and will probably influence many others. We have witnessed the collapse of his ideal system in 1989 with the collapse of the Soviet Union and transition from socialism to market economy in the Eastern European countries. By all means the equality system had plenty of flaws and as we have seen is definitely inapplicable. This fact by no means diminishes the efforts he made to convince others in his beliefs. Shaw will remain one of the greatest playwrights in 20th century and his works will always be admired. While his ideas as part of the Fabian Society platform, were not seen implemented, the Society served as a basis for such long lasting establishments as the London School of Economics and Political Science and the Labor Party, which in a far-fetched way fulfills his dreams to educate the people.              

Strengthening Citizen Participation in Local Governance

               This post is a summary of two articles. The first with the title above, was published at  https://www.newtactics.org/conversation/strengthening-citizen-participation-local-governance. The second was published at  http://heinonline.org/HOL/LandingPagehandlehein.journals/hhrj1& 

           The involvement of citizens in the political process is an essential part of democracy. Tactics and strategies for increased citizen participation in local governance can be seen around the globe. In the municipality of Nejapa, El Salvador, the municipal government partnered with local NGOs and sought to increases in access to potable water, latrines and eletricity. In India, Mazdoor Sangathan has been deeply involved in a collective prrocess which has shaped and influenced the campaign for the right to information in India. Mazdoor makes the case that without access to information and transparency there can be no genuine participation of all members of society, particularly the poor in democracy. What does it mean to strengthen citizen participation in local governance and why is it important? Citizen participation in local governance involves ordinary citizens assessing their own needs and participation in local project planning and budget monitoring. It is important for improving public resource management and reducing corruption, by making public servants and political leaders accountable to the people. For citizen participation to work, transparency of government information is needed, as well as the inclusion of members into decision-making process from groups whose concerns are beings addressed. Civil and political rights, including freedom of expression and access to information, which are at the basis of political participation, are human rights in themselves. Citizens participation requires trust, belief and wholeness - trust in their co-participants, belief that participation can make a difference, and feeling socially included. To ensure strong participation of citizens in local governance, citizens need to understand and want to exercise their right to participate in local issues. They need to feel confident and know where and how to participate, while local institutions should be prepared to facilitate the citizens participation. Engaging citizens in local governance improves accountability and the ability of local authorities to solve problems, creates more cohesive communities, and increases the numbers and quality of initiatives made by communities. One way to increase awareness and to empower citizens to have a voice is through increased access to technology and in particular social media. The potential of social media in conflict regions is especially interesting, for opening spaces for debate and dialogue and improving transparency and hidden social structures that generate corruption. A project in Pakistan is building the capacity of teachers to teach good governance, human rights, gender and youth development, and the positive role of media in promoting these concepts. Around the world, community based organizations do much to bring about real social transformation and empowerment of people: the Civil Rights movement of U.S., the Dalits movements in India, the Labor Rights in Russia, and the Women's Rights movements across the globe serve as example that people do not need to be socio-economically well off or even highly educated. What is most important is the ownership of people with commitment to the mission of the movement. How does effectively strengthen citizen participation in local governance? It was identified many adjustments in tactics that promote more effective and sustained citizen participation in local governance: understanding and using formal institutions of power, electing and appointing local officials, and bringing together citizens's groups and government officials to jointly formulate programs. A project in Uganda is working to create an interactive platform to provide stakeholders with key information, bring together the various actors involved in local governance, empower citizens ro demand accountability from elected leaders, and ensure equitable distribution and provision of goods and services. In Cambodia, volunteers with mobile phones with cameras monitor if elected representatives keep their election promises. Education and training are crucial in empowering citizens to effectively participate in local governance, especially in communities that have experienced significant political changes and must quickly learn how to find and vet political intelligence. In Brazil, a NGO trained police officers to help them understand the vital role they can play as defenders of human rights as well as the many advantages of interactive security. In the Phillipines, Education for Life complements the official government training for local officials on formal aspects of governance by focusing to reach the marginalized and train communities in appraisal, development planning and peace building. In Latin America as a whole, political parties have been very important in promoting and adopting citizen participation processes and examples show the importance of an accessible participatory budget in decentralizing the power and being in a municipality where the political elite does not vehemently opposed new channels of citizen participation. How does measure the impact of stronger citizen participation? The first step is to build a theory of change around citizen participation which needs to be periodically revisited. Next, indicators measuring short and long term change must be identified. Because the path of progress can not be predicted, there is a need to remain alert to changes, positive or negative. In some cases, it may take many years for the desired impact to be noticed. But every project should have clear phases after which an evaluation can be conducted and see if any progress has been achieved. The media, particularly citizen journalism ( blogs and social media ) can also be used to measure the impact of citizen participation. Another method of measuring change around citizen participation is outcome mapping, which facilitate in measuring indicators that are meaningful, helps to understand power at local levels and can be a great tool for integrating monitoring fully into management decisions in what needs to be an adaptive, opportunistic program to be successful. Studies of participatory budgeting (PB) have documented important effects on the quality of local democracy, on government spending patterns, on living conditions,and on participation. While these effects have not seen in all places using PB, there is growing evidence that when practiced well, over time PB has significant, positive, and measurable impacts. In Portugal, municipalities that have been nurturing PB invite citizens to participate in the process online and in so doing target a different group who usually participate in in-person meetings or regular assemblies. Adopting PB is a political decision that has to be decided by the board of a municipality and particularly by its mayor. What challenges has to be faced? How does overcome them? When developing a local agenda, it is important to consider citizenship rights, democratization, plurality and rights of minorities. Stimulating interaction between the public and civil actors at the local level allows information to reach local stakeholders, providing them with a holistic view of the actors and relations involved, helping local actors make better-informed decisions on strategic routes to take for participation in their local settings. Undertaking nuanced analysis is key. Participation in local government can only be effective if its context is appropriate. One weakness of analysis is focusing on how things are 'meant' to happen, highlighting the need for a deliberately deep and wide analysis of power relations in local context. Furthermore, not knowing the external players is another problem leading to many programs choosing to focus on short term gains or minor matters and not really making a long term difference. Relating experiences at local spaces in iterations with the government is difficult, especially in contexts where citizems do not exercise their rights. To empower civil society organizations, decision makers should be influenced to create a suitable environment for the active participation of citizens and citizens trained in the skills, competences, and methodologies to participate.

                  In the postwar construction of human rights law, the concept of political participation has been an indispensable building block. Countries with markedly different political systems have termed political participation as the vital human right. In its absence, it is said, all others fall to a perilous existence. Governments involke it to justify their own political systems and to delegitimate those of their opponents. Groups struggling for political participation draw broad international support. No one doubt that success in their struggles would open avenues to basic change. For a right regarded as foundational, political participation suffers from serious infirmities. Although distinctive in some respects, the right of political participation forms part of a complex of related rights set forth in the international instruments. It shares with them as essential characteristic of new human rights norms, the claim to a universal validity.

Learning Power

    This post is a summary of the book with the title above published at http://www.campaign-for-learning.org.uk/cfl/assets/documents/Publications/LearningPower.pdf

             The author's objectives with this book are: 1) Raise standards and improve the quality of citizenship within communities, by educating and developing the capacity and skills of people in the community; 2) Advance non-partisan political education in relation to the rights, liberties and duties of all citizens. This discussion paper considers how learning can improve opportunities and life chances for all citizens, especially the poorest. A strategy for learning should set the vision, direction and resources for people to develop their talents and make the world a better place. To create "a more prosperous and fairer society" community learning can be more important for social inclusion. Vocational qualifications are not the main factor in differences in economic performance between countries. Management practices, investment, innovatin and other factors account for  60-80% of the productivity gap between countries. Economics Nobel Laureate Herbert Simon estimated that 90% of national income is due to social capital in the form of knowledge embedded in technology, organizational and governmental skills. As a democratic principle, every citizen should be entitled to learn political literacy to take part in politics, just as they are entitled to become literate. There is a strong case for treating campaigning politics as public benefit. Discontent is a driver of innovation, challenging people to deal with difficult issues. Enabling people to take an active part in governance would improve democratic decision-making at all levels, just as companies improve efficiency as a result of competition. Our national strategy for learning and skills should be central to our future as a nation. Its vision sets the direction and allocates resources for people to develop their talents. The economist Elhanan Helpman estimates that 60 - 80% of economic growth comes from innovation and new knowledge. Innovation includes new ways of organising work as well as new goods and services. In the book, "Ready or Not? Taking Innovation in the Public Sector Seriously", Geoff Mulgan and the Young Foundation make the case for better investment in social innovation to improve societies' ability to solve problems. Innovation to end social exclusion is potentially the most productive are for learning and skills. A London School of Economcs (L.S.E.) study estimates that youth exclusion, young people not in education, training or employment, costs billions a year. Tacking difficult social problems like these at source could cut the cost of remedial expenditure and release large resources for positive purposes. But this can not simply be done through top-down delivery by government. Social exclusion can not be addressed by government alone. Individuals and community, in addition to the private and third sector, all have a role to play. But most of all, people who are suffering social exclusion must want progress for themselves and those around them. The Leith Review and most strategies for social inclusion start from what people lack. They measure and define people in terms of deficits rather than strengths, perpetuating the sense of deprivation and dependence. Asset-based Community Development (ABCD) takes the opposite approach. It recognise that some communities face immense challenges, but start from people potential. Enterprise is the art of mobilising under-valued assets to create additional value. Social enterprise simply means using business methods to achieve social change. Poverty and social exclusion reflect critical needs that are not being met at present. This approach is about mobilising assets to meet these and other social needs. This approach could play a major role in transforming public services, devolving power and enabling services users to take responsibility. The principles for investing in social inclusion seem relatively simple: 1) Find people with commitment to make things happen. 2) Listen out for what motivates them and makes them comes alive. 3) Inspire them to develop their confidence, skills and knowledge. 4) Provide appropriate support. 5) Create opportunities for things to flourish. This kind of influence, this voice, is a critical asset for any community. It is the 'place shaping power' which ultimately decides, directly or indirectly, how land is used, what services provided, etc. The power and abilities to govern, regulate and allocate resources in an area are key assets that shape the opportunities open to individuals and communities. Political decisions can dramatically improve or damage a country or an area, They affect services, investment and many aspects of life beyond the control of people who live there. All change agents use and engage with power to bring about change, but the political nature of power is often neglected. This may be because power can be diffuse and obscured. Access to power is often treated as a private asset by leaders. Yet, the power to influence and make decisions is key to bring change. Power is like information or ideas, the more you share, the more it spreads. Learning about power is therefore critical for social inclusion. How much people can use their talents largerly depends on the opportunities open to them. This is part of the 'social capital' of personal relationships and networks which, according to Herbert Simon, make the largest contribution to national income. How a school, library, park, hospital or other services is run makes a big difference to people's opportunities. Property laws can stimulate or stifle enterprise. education establishments can encourage or inhibit learning. The way in which institutions are governed is perhaps the most powerful factor in fostering innovation. Families are our most influential place of learning and the basis for attainment throughout life. Social exclusion imposes a high cost on society. But poorest communities will always came last unless they too can influence the institutions which shape their lives. To achieve lasting change, poor people need to take part. Participation in policy-making through consultation, social enterprise and other forms of involvement can only go so far. People who want something different also have the option of organising to take power through elections themselves. Practical political education must be a central part of the national skills strategy if it is to equip people in poor communities to transform their lives. Citizens need to be able to increase the opportunities available to them. They need to learn how the system works, develop confidence and strengthen their collective voices. What is practical political education? Politics is the science of government. Politics in its broadest sense is how people govern their society and institutions. Practical political education means learning how to take part in politics to achieve objectives. This means learning: 1) What decision-making and wider political processes affect you, your interests and what you want to do. 2) How to influence and engage with these processes. 3) Appropriate skills to influence decision-making. 4) About the issues and policies relevant to your interest. Making democratic politics accessible and attractive matters. Wider participation leads to better decisions and greater ownership of the outcomes. If people feel excluded from decision-making they will seek other means of redress. Learning practical politics is at least as important for society as business studies is for the economy. Campaigning is fundamental to social progress. Without it, we would not have abolished slavery, child labour, etc. The vote, human rights, social security, public health, consumer protection and many other things we take for granted took huge political effort. Our system of government is based on democratic decision-making, yet there is very little education or training to help people learn how to take part. By contrast, every city has business support services. Election campaigns are a limited form of political education, and possibly the only time many people think about politics. Yet political issues affect everyone. Almost everyone wants things done that could be achieved through politics, if they knew how. There is little political education available to most people. The following list tries to summarise the overlapping range of provision, from the most general citizenship education to the most results-oriented campaign training: 1) Political studies, which is largely academic but no less important for practice. 2) Citizenship education in all secondary and primary schools, which at its best enables pupils to take part in decision-making at school or to campaign about things that concern them. 3) Education to promote engagement in the democratic process such as the Electoral Commission's Partnership. 4) Public consultation which are mainly learning by doing and often don't have an explicit political edducation. 5) Communnity development learning, mainly through experience and short courses. There is a tendency to downplay politics when discussing political education by using terms like citizenship, advocacy and public affairs. This is partly because of fears that it will be attacked as indocrination and partly because people are so turned off politics that they need to be pempted in other ways. Many leaders and public authorities are wary of letting people get too involved in politics. Yet politics is everywhere, in every group and every relationship between groups. Many citizens feel powerless, excluded or trapped in a cycle of disadvantage. All of society suffers as a result. Most individuals and communities have greater abilities and assets than they are able to use fully. Creating the right conditions for people to flourish requires both support and opportunity to develop individual capabilities and commitment. Political skills is require to create and use good governance. Politics is the way in which we as a society learn how to govern ourselves, how to respond to challenges and how to create the kind of world we want. What happens in politics has a profound impact on our everyday life. Education, training and support for practical politics are therefore essential for a national strategy aimed at promoting prosperity and fairness for all. Sharing power increases the amount of power in society. Enabling people to learn how to increase and use their power effectively will increase society's ability to tackle the vast range of issues confronting us in the twenty-first century.

How to Improve Political Education?

                     This month I complete ten years of online activism. And since the beginning my intention was to create a space for me and others to practice English and to educate myself and others about important issues that concern everybody, not just us Brazilians, but I won't write more about this now. In the near future I will write authorial posts to celebrate this decade of educative activism. This post is a summary of two articles. The first with the title above was published in February of 2015 at http://www.crickcentre.org/blog/improve-political-education/.  The second was published in May of 2016 at http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/politicsandpolicy/book-review-uninformed-why-people-know-so-little-about-politics-and-what-we-can-do-about-it-by-arthur-lupia/.

              As a discipline, the good political education has to be formed by two sets of principles. First, there are the Nolan principles of public life, drawn up after the cash for questions scandal in 1994: accountability, honesty, integrity, leadership, objectivity, openness and selflessness, which all politicians are expected to uphold. Second, I (Titus Alexander, political scientist) suggest the following principles from the book "Learning Power": 1) Pragmatic, start from where people are and help them achieve what they want. 2) Pluralistic in funding, forms of provision, content and values. 3) Participative to develop confidence, communication skills and critical thinking. 4) Practical, to include techniques, knowledge and analysis relevant to active politics. 5) Peaceful, violence is a failure of politics. 6) Pro-poor, prioritise provision for people on low income with least access to politics and resources. The opposite of these principles of good political education  is the political education that is ideological, partisan, coercive and exclusive, the kind of politics which prevails in undemocratic societies. The principles from the book "Learning power" recognise that politics is about people creating practical solutions to problems by peaceful means in a pluralistic society, and that society benefits when all citizens take part, including the poor and the disadvantaged. To say that political education should be 'pro-poor' does not presume a particular ideology or political programme. Left, right and centre claim their approach is better for the poorest. The principle is included because the poor and disadvantage in society have least resources to take part and therefre need additional support to have some equality of influence with those who can employ lobbyists to make their case. So, what can political  education do? Political education can do three things during the election campaign: 1) Promote discussion and critical thinking by creating spaces for people to explore the issues that concern them and party policies. 2) Provide independent analysis and information about the arguments presented by candidates, as well as the political process, strategy and tactics used, to develop a deeper understanding of the issues and the system. 3) Encourage and equip people to take part as citizens, by learning how the system works and questioning candidates, campaigning for a cause, joining a party or even standing for elections themselves. Political parties, their candidates, campaign staff and supporters are also political educators, but they are not neutral, and people may learn more from the interaction between candidates, which is why debates are useful, and also from engaging directly with candidates themselves. Public political education, like can exists in the public media, (sometimes present on TV and newspaper) should not take sides between parties, but increase people's understanding, knowledge and ability to take part in politics as equal citizens. Also , TV, newspaper and political educators should challenge politicians on their claims, and equip citizens with analysis and information to do the same. If we believe democracy matters, then educators and civil society organisations should do everything possible to encourage people to use these wider sources of evidence to understand the issues and take part in the elections.  This is not just about using websites to get information. We can find out what the hot issues are in the area and organise a study group, workshop or public debate with experts on the issue, or a panel meeting with candidates from all parties. Moreover, we can work with community groups to draw up local manifestos about issues they want politicains to address, and invite candidates to respond to them. Many schools are organising "mock elections" in which pupils stand and campaign for different parties, 'Democracy centres' can be created in public libraries to give citizens information on local issues and opportunities to book meeting with officials and elected representatives, as they already has done in Sweden. Information on issues and political processes is scattered across websites on internet. But also, it may be useful to have a 'political education' portal, equivalent of the Institute of Fiscal studies has in England, where people can find links to authoritative information on issues and the political processes under the following three headings: 1) How to take part: Opportunities and ideas on how citizens can influence the agenda and political debate, including topics like voter registration, organisinf hustings, getting commitments on issues from politicians, using social media, with a link to an events page. 2) Issues: Where to find analysis and reliable evidence on isses, such as austerity, health, deficit, etc. 3) Process: Commentary and analysis on the use of social media, community organising, advertising, polls, the TV debates, the slogans, and other aspects of the campaign process.

                 Are citizens fundamentally uninformed, or even misinformed, when comes to questions of politics and government?  In the book "Uninformed: Why People Knows So little About Politics and What We Can Do About It", the author, Arthur Lupia tackles the issue of political ignorance by arguing that rather than simply seeking to provide greater information to the public on political issues, the more pressing concern for those positioning themselves in the role of  'civic educators'  is how to communicate effectively. Michele Fenzi finds this book is one of the best scholarly engagements with the question of political ignorance, offering practical strategies that will not only be of use to politcal 'instructors', but to anyone interested in education and effective communication. Since the seminal contributions of Philip Converse (1964) and Stenphen Bennett (1988), political ignorance has drawn the attention of political scientists. In Arthur Lupia's words, "when it comes to political information, there are two groups of people: one group understands that they are almost completely ignorant and the other group is delusional about how much they know".  This casts shadows on democratic quality: how can democracies function if voters are uninformed, if not misinformed? How to hold political leaders accountable, if they can exploit ignorance? The book by Arthur Lupia, builds upon decades of research in different fields, not only describing what we know about political (un)information, but also suggesting strategies to overcome the problem. Lupia indeed argues that the root of enduring political ignorance partially lies in the misunderstanding of civic educators, who believe that merely exposing the public facts will increase competence. The book, however, does not simply criticise this approach: its aim is to draw up strategies for civic educators, so that they can provide more information of more value to more people. The part I of the book discusses what political knowledge is, and how to achieve effective communication; part II, instead focuses on the measurement and interpretation of survey data. The first and most important message discussed in part I is that anyone willing to convey information must select what is necessary and sufficient to achieve the desired level of public competence. Individuals have varying levels of background knowledge, contrasting interests and different value-systems. Given that the public ignores most of the information to which it exposed, an informer must achieve perceived credibility. However, as Lupia underlines, this is   necessary, but not sufficient, condition for effective communication. What an educator needs is to attract attention. To do so, the author suggest speaking to the audience's fears and aspirations. These are the two stimuli, as research in cognitive psychology has found, that are most likely to stimulate focus and activate memory. What is, however, missing from this chapter is a distinction between the two. since positive and negative emotions can lead to different cognitive results, this is an important discussion that civic educators should be aware of, particularly in an age of increasing populism. Values shape and affect the acquisition of information. Lupia underlines that "if prospective learners will have the information related to their values, then prospective learners will have greater motivation to use the information in the way that the educators desires. If Part I concentrates on why political ignorance exists and on how to overcome it, part II discusses the measurement and interpretation of 'recall data'. There are two central arguments. Firstly, 'competence does not require the ability to recall all the facts'. Secondly, 'it is necessary to understand what recall questions uncover about sophistication. Using examples from survey of the U.S. public, Lupia shows how, as other scholars have also found, political ignorance is often overestimated: 'the irony here is that many scholars and pundits feel free to castigate the public for its ignorance without checking their own facts first. The book thus expands on a mere revison of what we know about political ignorance, offering practical strategies to inform the public and read sophistication data. Given the sensitivity to ideological diversity that political communication entails, the application of the proposed strategies can be adapted to a wide range of fields.