Protection of Victims and Witnesses

                  This post is a summary of two articles. The first with the incomplete title above was published at   https://www.ohchr.org/Documents/Publications/Chapter14-56pp.pdf                                The second was published athttps://www.newtactics.org/conversation/protecting-survivors-and-witnesses

                  The primary responsibility for protecting victims, witnesses, sources of information and other persons cooperating with human rights fields presences rests with the state. The protection of victims, witnesses and other cooperating persons is an integral aspect of all phases of the monitoring cycle. Prevention is key in protecting victims, witnesses and other cooperating persons. Where there is a risk, it must be carefully assessed and weighed against the expected benefits of the activity in question. There is no single correct approach to protection. The appropriate protection strategy will depend on the political and security environments, the commitment of the national authorities, and the capacity and resources of the field presence, among other contextual factors. The UN Human Rights Council has urged states to prevent and refrain from all acts of intimidation or reprisals against those who have provided testimony or other information about human rights violations to the UN. The safety of victims, witnesses and other cooperating persons must be a paramount concern for human rights organizations (HRO). Accordingly, confidentiality as a measure to protect their safety, with the requirement of not disclosing their identity, should take precedence over other interests, including the prosecution of perpetrators of human rights violations. The principle of confidentiality also applies in the case of requests for information from national authorities or an international tribunal. In all circumstances and at all times, HROs have an obligation not to jeopardize the life, safety, freedom and well-being of victims, and witnesses. The best protection HROs can provide is to be aware of the potential risks of harm and to exercise good judgement, caution and sensitivity in all their interactions. Human rights offices's lack of care or negligent behaviour, along with a failure to understand the operational context, can put persons who come into contact with the field presence at risk of harm. One of the challenges of relocation programmes is ensuring that a person at risk can be effectively and safety resettled and integrated into a new community either within the country of origin or abroad. 

                  Protecting survivors and witnesses of human rights violations is crucial to effective human rights work. Protection is important because when survivors and witnesses fear further persecution, they are unlikely to report their experiences,  making redress and accountability much more difficult. The state is formally responsible for providing protection, but it is the state that is often the greatest source of perceived risk amongst witnesses and survivors. Under Article 13 of the UN Convention Against Torture, states have an obligation to ensure that victims and witnesses are protected against "all ill-treatment and intimidation as a consequence of his complaint or any evidence given." However this may not be appropriate in cases of torture when human rights violations were perpetrated by agents of the state. Countries should be encouraged to have victim and witness protection schemes that are independent. At times, NGOs who work directly with the victims of human rights violations and need protection. One way of protecting witnesses and victims is by recognizing the suffering of these victims and educating civil society to understand the value of their efforts on society. The international community can play a vital role in applying pressure on governments to provide adequate protection when civil society groups fall short. Broader alliances need to be built between different sectors of civil society to adequate protection of different layers of society. Sometimes Networks are crucial in terms of providing victims and survivors an ad hoc safe house or to flee to another location within the country or to a neighboring country. Communication between human rights defenders and victims/survivors is equally important to give an assurance of protection. The importance of support from international NGOs to human rights defenders, victims of human rights violations and witnesses is essential. The types of risk can be categorized broadly into three types of risk: physical risk, psychological risk and digital risk. Economic risk could be added. It is important to ensure that victims and witnesses hhave as much information as possible, so that they are in the best position to assess their own work. Hope, honor and human dignity was put forward as a way to manage risk and to empower victims and survivors. The risk of vicarious trauma and the importance of self care are highlighted. Protective measures by human rights organizations can include: 1) Strengthening the person's capacity for self-protection; 2) Supporting or establishing community-level protection networks. 3) Using visibility strategies with a deterrent effect. 4) Seeking the support of relevant partners and international mechanisms such as NGOs, diplomatic missions, UN agencies or special procedures. 5) Mobilizing efforts to directly or indirectly provide physical protection to the person at risk, including through relocation. 6) Limiting the capacity of the source of the threat to carry out an attack by reducing the vulnerability factors of the person at risk.  7)Intervening to influence or affect the baheviour or attitude of the source of the threat.  8) Increasing the political and social costs to the source carrying out the threat through, for instance, public advocacy in partnership with national and international networks. The cost of carrying out the threat should outweigh the benefits.  9) Advocacy and engagement with national authorities, stressing their human rights obligations, including their duty to protect those at risk and to prosecute offenders.  

70th Anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights

                Tomorrow the Universal Declaration on Human Rights will complete 70 years old, So this post is a tribute to this very important document. This post is a summary of two articles, the first was published at http://www.standup4humanrights.org/layout/files/proposals/UDHR70-MediaFactSheet.pdf. The second was published at http://www.un.org/en/events/humanrightsday/

                 In 2018, The Universal Declaration of Human Rights will celebrate its 70th anniversary. It remains as relevant today as it was in 1948. To highlight what the UDHR means for people in their everyday lives, UN Human Rights has launched a campaign building on the existing Stand Up for Human Rights campaign. It will culminate on 10 December 2018. Proclaimed by the U.N. General Assembly on 10 December 1948, the declaration was designed to prevent the repetition of the horrific human rights violations that had been committed during the World War II. The UDHR has also spawned many other important international treaties, including the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of  Racial Discrimination; the U.N. Convention Against Torture; the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, etc. 18 treaties and optional protocols advancing human rights have been agreed since 1948. UDHR holds the World Record as the most translated document in the world with 500 languages. 57% of countries have now a national human rights institution. Why does the UDHR matter in 2018? 1) Global multilateral frameworks for peace and human rights are increasingly under threat. 2) Rights to privacy, data and consent are facing new challenges in the internet age. 3) Migrants and refugees: growing global migrant crisis. 4) Democracy: under threat around the world.
                Human Rights Day is observed every year on 10 December. This year, Human Rights Day marks the 70th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, a milestone document that proclaimed the inalienable rights which everyone is inherently entitled to as a human being, regardless of race, colour, religion, sex, language, political or other opinion, national or social property, birth or other status. Drafted by representatives of diverse cultural backgrounds from all regions of the world, the UDHR sets out universal values and a common standard of achievement for all people and all nations. It establishes the equal dignity and worth of every person. Thanks to the declaration, and states' commitments to its principles, the dignity of millions has been uplifted  and the foundation for more just world has been laid. While its promised is yet to be fully realized, the very fact that it has stood the test of time is testasment to the enduring universality of its perennial values of equality, justice and human dignity. The UDHR empowers us all. The principles enshrined in thee declaration are relevant today as they were in 1948. We need to stand up for own rights and those of others. We can take action in our own daily lives, to uphold the rights that protect us all and thereby promote the kinship of all human beings.
       

Handbook on Justice for Victims

            Some people still do not have a good understanding of human rights and very stupid declarations are said.  For example, that human rights do not defend the victims of crimes. Thus here there is a evidence of their mistake. Another stupidity is saying that human rights defend bandits, on the contrary, human rights is totally against crimes stay unpunished, and any violation of any human rights deserve a severe punishment. I could write many posts defending human rights, but I know that this would be totally unnecessary, because I think almost everybody already know their importance to the democracy and everyday in the citizen' life. The minority that says stupidity, maybe also understand their importance, but for some reason don not accept them as they are. This post is a summary of the book with the title above published in 1999 at   https://www.unodc.org/pdf/criminal_justice/UNODC_Handbook_on_Justice_for_victims.pdf       

             On 29 November 1985, the General Assembly of the UN adopted the declaration of Basic Principles of Justice of Crime and Abuse of Power, based on the conviction that victims should treated with compassion and respect for their dignity and that they are entitled to prompt redress for the harm that they have suffered, through access to the justice system, reparation and service to assist their recovery. The Declaration recommends measures to be taken on behalf of victims to improve access to justice and fair treatment, restitution, compensation and assistance. It also outlines the main steps to be taken to prevent victimization linked to abuse of power and to provide remedies for the victims. In the Declaration "victims" are defined in the broad sense as persons who, individually or collectively, have suffered harm,including physical or mental injury, emotional suffering, economic loss or substantial impairment of their fundamental rights, through acts or omissions that are violations of national criminal laws or of international recognized norms relating to human rights. Experts from nearly 40 countries have participate in the development of this Handbook. It is hoped that in the years to come, practitioners, researchers and policy makers around the world will contribute information about their own experiences, tailor the information presented in this Handbook to meet their needs and legal systems and offer suggestions on how the Handbook can be improved. Its widest possible relevance will be a continuing aim in the quest to alleviate the plight of victims of crime and abuse of power around the world. Research shows that the shock from victimization touch not only the victim but also the victim's family and relatives and acquaintances. This holds true for the emotional as well as the financial consequences, and the effects can endure for years or even a lifetime. In the case of genocide, exposure to violence and abuse of power, the effects can be passed on from one generation to the next. Not only individuals but also communities and organizations can be victimized, leading to their deterioration over time as confidence ebbs, fear increases and the economic burden of victimization becomes insupportable. The effects of victimization strike particularly hard at the poor, the powerless, the disabled and the socially isolated. Secondary victimization refers to the victimization that occurs not as a direct result of the criminal act, the violation,  but through the response of institutions and individuals to the victims.Secondary victimization through the process of criminal justice may occur because of difficulties in balancing the rights of the victim against the rights of the offender. More normally, however, it occurs because those responsible for ordering justice processes and procedures do so without taking into account the perspective of the victim. The attitude of individuals is also important. Some people with whom the victim has contact may wish to distance themselves from the distress of the violation by blaming the victim for what has occurred. Victims of abuse of power have particular difficulty in gaining recognition of the fact that they have been victimized. The essence of abuse of power is that it is committed by those who should be expected to protect the population. The shock and loneliness of victimization can be much greater for these victims. When a victim reports an offence or other victimizing event, to the police or public prosecution, this starts a process that is intended to ascertain whether or not the report of the victim is valid. The process can be a long and difficult one and from the legal point of view the victim is only a putative or alleged victim. In addition to recognition of and respect for victims, there is further consideration of the protection of their safety and privacy. The The suspect, or others acting on behalf of the suspect, may seek to intimidate the victim in order to prevent him or her from seeking justice, or may harass the victim in retaliation for having reported the matter to the authorities.  Special provision should be made to protect vulnerable victims. Secondary victimization also arises when details of the case are reported in the media. Several jurisdictions have sought to protect victim privacy and confidentiality by restraicting reporting. Victims of abuse of power face added problems in that it is sometimes difficult to persuade state agencies that an offence has occurred and that the case should be pursued through the justice system. The fundamental problem in some forms of abuse of power, however, is that the offence is committed by an agent of the state and officials are unwilling to have the offence reported to them or to act upon it. The victim is not treated as a victim and is not able to participate in the justice system or obtain the services that he or she may need. Agencies concerned with abuse of power have concentrated their efforts on persuading authorities that instances of it should treated as the crimes they usually are. Some agencies use publicity as their main weapon for making officials, the public and the international community aware of the problem. Publicity can encourage witness to come forward and make victims feel that they are not isolated and forgotten. A major psychological consequence of victimization in many cases is that the victim no longer feels safe. Preventing repeat vicmization can be a powerful way not only to reduce overall victimization but also to speed the victims' psychological recovery. Many victim assistance programmes are involved in raising public awareness about victim issues and available services. Many programmes are designed to offer education about victim needs and appropriate and sensitive treatment are targeted at officials in the justice system. A major psychological consequence of criminal victimization in many cases is that the victim no longer feels safe. Preventing repeat victimization can be a powerful way not only to reduce overall victimization but also to speed the victim's psychological recovery. The dignity and healing of victims depends on the respect and assistance extended to them by the professionals and others who came into contact with them. Since the adoption of the Declaration of Basic Principles of Justice for Victims of Crime and Abuse of power, important progress has been made in many nations to assist victims of crime and violation. Yet there are few nations where the Declaration has been fully implemented in a comprehensive and systematic way. In many cases, these reforms were the direct result of the efforts of NGOs to convince policy makers, offcials in law enforcement, justice systems and the public of their crucial importance to victims. Some organizations play a key role in the initiation, development and implementation of policies that empower victims of crime and violation. Currently, international exchanges of best practice play an increasingly important role in fostering victim policies. The World Society of Victimology provides a list of names and contact addresses for many of the persons involved in these organizations. The right of people to international protection is being increasingly recognized. It is now almost universally accepted that the safeguarding of human rights is the concern not only of individuals states but of the entire international community. This includes governments and intergovernmental organizations, as well as NGOs, which have been in the forefront of the defence of human and victims rights, the media, which have drawn world attention to ongoing abuses; and the public at large. The UN has a special responsibility and can provide the framework for concerted action, using all parts of the system, other international and regional antities, professional association, law institutions and broad-based support. Much can be done to contain victimization and suffering if the political will, the expertise and the vision are there.

140th Birthday of Upton Sinclair

                A little more than one month ago, precisely on 20th September, the American writer Upton Sinclair would complete 140 years old, so this post is a tribute to him. With courage he exposed many injustices happening in the U.S. in the beginning of the 20th century. This post is a summary of three articles. The first was published at https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Upton_Sinclair. The second was published at https://www.bartleby.com/essay/Upton-Sinclair-and-His-Influence-on-Society-F3C3T4LYVJ. The third was published at https://www.biography.com/people/upton-sinclair-9484897

               Upton Beall Sinclair Jr. (1878-1968) was an American writer who wrote nearly 100 books and other works in several genres. He won the Pullitzer Prize for Fiction in 1943. In 1906, Sinclair acquired fame for his classic novel The Jungle, which exposed labor and sanitary conditions in the U.S.meatpacking industry, causing a public uproar that contributed in part to the passage a few months later, The Pure Food and Drug Act and the Meat Inspection Act. In 1919, he published The Brass Check, a novel that exposed American Journalism and the limitations of the "free press" in the U.S. Four years after its publication, the first code of ethics for journalists was created. Time magazine called him "a man with every gift except humor and silence." He is also remembered for the line: "It is difficult to get a man to understand something when his salary depends upon his not understanding it." Sinclair describes the world of industrialized America. Novels such as King Coal (1917), Oil (1927) and The Flivver King (1937) described the working conditions of the coal, oil, and auto industries at the time. Sinclair ran unsuccessfully for Congress as a nominee from the Socialist Party. He was also the Democratic Party candidate for Governor of California, running under the banner of the End Poverty in California campaign, but was defeated in the 1934 election. Sinclair devoted his writing career to documenting and criticizing the social and economic conditions of the early 20th century in both fiction and nonfiction. He exposed the overwhelming effects of poverty among the working class.

                 Upton Sinclair wanted to be a great influence on society. He was born in Baltimore, from a family of Southern aristocracy. His father was an alcoholic and his mother came from a wealthy family. As a child, Sinclair was an excellent reader and scholar. By the age of fourteen, he began writing in his spare time. He attended Columbia University and later he moved to Quebe, Canada. There he lived in poverty. Sinclair emphasized that their values of hard work, family togetherness, honesty, and carefulness are the same as those of the reading public. They could not withstand the effects of greed and competition any more than individuals could. While influencing the families, the publication of The Jungle also influenced the workers of the meat processing industry. The meat packing scandal was front-page newspaper for weeks.

                Upton Sinclair was an activist and writer whose works often uncovered social injustices. He was born in a small row house in Baltimore, and from birth he was exposed to dichotomies that would have influence his thinking later. The only child of an alcoholic liquor salesman and a puritanical, strong-willed mother, he was raised on the edge of poverty, but also exposed to the privileges of the upper class through visits with his mother's wealthy family. Having completed his schooling at age 20, Sinclair made the decision to become a serious novelist while working as a freelance journalist to make ends meet. In 1900, he also began a family, marrying Meta Fuller, with whom he would have a son, David, the following year. In 1904, he was sent to Chicago by the newspaper to write an exposé on the mistreatment of workers in the meatpacking industry. After spending several weeks conducting undercover research on his subject matter, Sinclair threw himself into the manuscript that would become The Jungle. Upon its release, Sinclair enlisted his fellow writer and writer and friend Jack London to help publicize his book and assist in getting his message across to the masses. Among its readers was President Theodore Roosevelt, who invited Sinclair to the White House and ordered inspections of the meatpacking industry. Sinclair published numerous works over the following decade, including the education critique The Goose-Step (1923) but most of hisw fiction during this period was commercially unsuccessful. By the early 1920s, he had divorced Meta, remarried Mary Kimbrough and moved to Southern California, where he continued both his literary and political pursuits. He founded in California the American Civil Liberties Union, His novels from this period fared better with Oil! (about the Teapot Dome scandal) and Boston (about the Sacco and Vanzetti case) both receiving favorable reviews. Eighty years after it appeared in print, Oil! would be made into the Academy Award-winning film There Will Be Blood. 

30th Anniversary of the Brazilian Constitution

            On 5th of October, our constitution completed five years. So this post is a tribute to this very important document.  In the election this year, all candidates reinforced the importance for the respect to the constitution, but this respect must go beyond the discourse. The constitutional text is very fair, but now it is necessary to take practical and legal action to this fairness reach the victims of violations. This post is a summary of three articles. The first was published at  http://www2.stf.jus.br/portalStfInternacional/cms/verConteudo.phpsigla=portalStfDestaque_en_us&i. The second was published at  http://www.brazilgovnews.gov.br/presidency/speechs/2018/10/address-by-the-president-of-the-republic-michel-temer-during-a-solemn-session-in-honour-of-the-30th-anniversary-of-the-1988-constitution-followed-by-the-launch-of-a-seal-and-stamp-alluding-to-the-da. The third was published in October of 2018 at https://www.academia.edu/37570531/Between_Past_and_Future_The_30_Years_of_the_Brazilian_Constitution

             The Justices of the Federal Supreme Court (STF) will meet at 2:00P.M. this Thursday (04/10) in a solemn session to commemorate the 30 years of the Federal Constitution of 1988. The solemnity celebrates the "Citizen Constitution", whose promulgation marked the consolidation of democracy in Brazil and whose content sought to prioritize the individual and collective rights of the citizen. As a result of the solemn session there are no trials to be heard on Thursday. Among the guests for the solemnity are the President Michel Temer, retired STF judges, other instances of the judiciary, the Attorney General of the Republic, Raquel Dodge, governors, deputies, senators, constituent parliamentarians and members of the Public Defender's Office.

               When The Federal Supreme Court convenes to pay tribute to the 1988 constitution, this has a lot of meaning. Unlike, perhaps, if the executive only, or the legislature only, paid this tribute, because the frame of reference, of support, of endorsement that the Supreme Court gives to the constitution of 1988 is very important at this moment, especially in this troubled moment. For us, from the legal area, the state is only born at the moment of the birth of the federal constitution. As a practising lawyer, eminent Chief justice, I had the pleasure of being the author of Article 133, which establishes that the lawyer is indispensable to the provision of justice. I always say very often that it's very important to preserve the constitution. Moreover, as they said, there is no way out of the constitution. The Supreme Court is the guardian of the constitution, the legislative produces the law, but if there is a controversy, who ultimately says is the Supreme Court. But I think the Supreme Court has an even greater mission, becuase the to the constitution to have full applicability, that is to say, all rules were affective and therefore not only by constitutionally control by legal action. Minister Marco Aurélio pointed out, "the rights listed do not prevent others from being evoked that arise from the constitutional text". It also says that international treaties referring to human rights, connected to individual rights, approved by the same criterion of constitutional amendments, are incorporated into the constitutional text.

              Constitutions exist in time. Not only in the linear count of the days, months and years in which they seek to provide a legal regulation to the society. Constitutions are made of memories, traumas, projections and expectations. Constitutional documents deal with past experiences and fears that address the future. Although bound to the present time, they are marked by these temporal inflections. In less than two centuries, Brazil produced seven constitutions. A significant finding in Brazilian constitutional history is the relationship between political change and the elaboration of a constitution. The 1988 constitution completes 30 years at a true crossroad between past, present and future. The main issue related to the pre-1988 period involves the legacy of the military regime. The constitution affirms that in the dictatorial period "acts of exception" were committed, that is, it makes clear that the basic elements of the rule of law were not respected. It prevents the opening of criminal cases to assert the responsibilities of agents of the dictatorship who committed serious violations of jus cogens of international human rights law. This immobility led to two Brazilian convictions in the Inter-American Court of Human Rights: in the cases of the Araguaia guerrilla group and the murder of journalist Vladimir Herzog. The consideration of the trajectory of the thirty years of the Brazilian constitution of 1988 invites us to ponder the present challenges in its apllication. Such challenges are not alien to contemporary constitutional democracies, but require, for their understanding a careful look at the complexity of applying the constitution to social relations. In this way, social guarantees progressively acquired by the historical trajectory of this community can be perceived as patrimony of a present generation and a legavy to the future ones. What about the future? This prospective dimension can only be presented in the form of an inquiry, of a concern about the persistence or not of the democratic principles that inspired the drafting of the Charter of 1988. The current and more important challenge in maintaining the opening of the senses of the Brazilian constitution for the future is to be attentive to the possibility of using the constitution against itself. Only one question is certain: as long as there is a constitutional text, there will be a public space, arguments and weapons for resistance, for the dissemination of emancipatory solutions and for the affirmation of the precepts that motivated the Brazilian re-democratization: freedom and equality.

Democracy as a Universal Value

                  This post is a summary of two articles. The first article was published with the title above in 1999 at   https://www.unicef.org/socialpolicy/files/Democracy_as_a_Universal_Value.pdf. The second was published at https://listontap.com/top-10-reasons-democracy-best-country/

                 In the summer of 1997, I was asked what I thought was the most important thing that happened in the 20th century. I found this to be an unusually thought-provoking question, since so many things have happened over the last hundred years. The european empires came to an end. We witnessed two world wars. We saw the rise and fall of fascism and nazism. The rise and fall of communism. We also saw a shift from the economic dominance of the West to a new economic balance more dominated by Japan and East Asia. Nevertheless, among the great variety of developments that have occurred in the 20th century, I did not have any difficult in choosing one as the preeminent development of the period: the rise of democracy. The idea of democracy originated in ancient Greece, more than two millennia ago. Thereafter, democracy as we know took a long time to emerge. Its gradual and ultimately triumphant emergence as a working system of governance was bolstered by many developments, from the signing of the Magna carta in 1215, to the france and American revolutions in the 18th century. It was in the 19th century, however, that the idea of democracy became established as the "normal" form of government to which any nation is entitled. The idea of democracy as a universal commitment is quite new, and it is quintessentially a product of the 20th century. Throughout the 19th century, theorists of democracy found it quite natural to discuss whether one country or another was "fit for democracy." This thinking changed only in the 20th century, with the recognition that the question itself was wrong: A country does not have to be deemed fit for democracy; rather, it has to become fit through democracy. It was also in this century that people finally accepted that "franchise for all adults" must mean all, not just men but also women. How well has demoracy worked? While no one really questions the role of democracy in the U.S. or Britain or France, it is still a matter of dispute for many of the poorer countries. I would argue that democracy has worked well enough. It is claimed that nondemocratic systems are better at bringing about economic development. This belief sometimes goes by the name of "the Lee hypothesis," due to its advocacy by Lee Yew, the former president of Singapore. He is certainly right that some authoritarian states (such as South Korea, Singapore and China) have had faster rates of economic growth. However, this hypothesis is based on sporadic empiricism, drawing on very selective and limited information, rather than on any general statistical testing over the wide-ranging data that are available. In fact, there is not convincing general evidence that the suppression of political and civil rights are beneficial to economic development. We must go beyond the narrow confines of economic growth and scrutinize the broader demands of economic development. In that context, we have to look at the connection between political and civil rights, on the one hand, and the prevention of major economic disasters, on the other. Political and civil rights give people the opportunity to draw attention to general needs and to demand appropriate public action. The response of a government to the acute suffering of its people often depends on the pressure that is put on it. The exercise of political rights can make a real difference to the political incentives that operate on a government. I have discussed the remarkable fact that, in the terrible history of famines in the world, no substantial famine has ever occurred in any democratic country. The same can be said about the world's two contemporary famines, occurring right now in North Korea and Sudan. The merits of democracy and its claim as a universal value can be related to certain distinct virtues that go with its unfettered practice. Indeed, we can distinguish three different ways in which democracy enriches the lives of the citizens. First, political freedom is a crucial part of good lives of individuals as social beings. Political and social participation has intrinsic value for human life and well-being. To be prevented from participation in the political life is a major deprivation. Second, democracy has an important instrumental value in enhancing the hearing that people get in expressing and supporting their claims to political attention (including claims of economic needs). Third, the practice of democracy gives citizens an opportunity to learn from one another, and helps society to form its values and priorities. 

                Democracy is a government bt the people, for the people and of the people. In other words democracy is a system which gives power to each and every citizen to actively participate in the government of the country. The importance of democracy lies in fact, that currently there are 123 democratic nations in a world of 192 countries. Gone are the days when kings and dictators used to curb and torture the citizens. When all the decisions relating to running a nation was made by one person and everyone else had no choice other than obeying him. Here a list of top 10 reasons why every country should adopt democracy, for the best of all.  1) Human rights - are the inherent rights that every person should have just because is a human. Democracy ensures that these basic rights are granted to each citizen. Furthermore, all these rights are protected by the constitution. Anyone who attempts to take away these rights shall be punished by the law.  2) People have the right to express their opinions about any topic out loud, without being censored by the government. Democracy promotes debates and group discussions which are crucial for the exponential growth of a nation. 3) Power to everyone - the word democracy itself means power to the people. In a democracy each citizen have the power to decide who runs the country. Furthermore, democracies protect against all-powerful governments, hence a fair distribution of power ensures participation of everyone in the functioning of the government.  4) Responsible government - The representatives are answerable to their voters. The government is obliged to fulfill their promises, otherwise they can be thrown out of power. Also the opposition plays an important role in keeping the government accountable.  5) Equality - A democracy does not discriminate anyone on the basis of gender, race, etc. It ensures equal political, social and economic rights to everyone.  6) Transparency in decision making - Before passing any law a formal session takes place in the parliament, in which the elected representatives consider the various aspects of the law. the law is passed only when it is consented by a majority. This procedure ensures transparency in decision making and prevents any unjust laws from being passed. 7) It is open for change - Citizens can always look forward to changes in the system if they are not happy with it.  8) Promote debate - Everyone gets a chance to speak up and make their words matter while others lesten to them. They should understand  each other and together contribute to the development of the country.

What Makes a Good Politician - Part III

                  This post is the third text with the same subject: the main characteristics of a good leader, a good politician. The two previously were published in September of 2016. I hope with this help you to make a good choice on who will deserve your vote next month. Like always this is a educative goal. This post is a summary of two articles. The first was published at https://www.ranker.com/list/qualities-of-good-politicians/ranker-news. The second was published at https://www.bustle.com/p/these-signs-mean-you-might-make-a-good-politician-according-to-science-35117. The third was published at https://www.brainscape.com/blog/2016/09/perfect-politician-psychology/. The fourth was published at  https://www.huffingtonpost.com/roya-r-rad-ma-psyd/characteristics-of-trustw_b_927982.html

                  The most important qualities in politicians are listed here for your viewing, ranking, and voting pleasure. When one thinks in character traits that make a good politician, one thinks in things like integrity and optimism. It takes an intelligent, loyal and likeable person to win any election, This is the list that outlines the best qualities in a politician. Whether you consider yourself a political person or a completely neutral person, politicians actions directly affect you and your everyday life. Upvote the political characteristics you think are the most important. 1º) Intelligence.  2º) Honesty.  3º) Integrity.  4º) Good Instincts.  5º) Diplomacy.  6º) Determined.  7º) Listening Skills.  8º) Morality.  9º) Open Mind. 10º) Loyalty.  11º) Passion.  12º) Patience.  13º) Bravery.  14º) Toughness.  15º) Empathy.  16º) Tirelessness.  17º) Thoughtfulness.  18º) Charisma.

                 If you are wondering how to tell if you would make a good politician, a recente study out of the University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA) may be able to shed some light on personality traits that indicate whether you are truly meant to hold office. Graduate student Richard Hanania used the framework of the well-known Big Five personality inventory to learm more about "personality differences between politicians and the general public." For the study, published in the journal Personality and Individual Differences, 278 American legislators and 2,586 respondents of approximately the same age completed a 50-item questionnaire online. The Five Factor Model, draws conclusions by measuring important dimensions of a person's personality and psyche such as conscientiousness, openness to experience, agreeableness, extraversion, and neuroticism. The study's results revealed that politicians differed from average American on every single factor. "Politicians are more extraverted, agreeable, emotionally stable, and conscientious than the general public," Hanania explains. "At the same time, they are slightly lower on imagination." Politicians scored lower in general on the traits of openness and neuroticism, meaning that as a group, they are generally less imaginative and emotional. Here are some signs based on this study's results that you might make an excellent politician. 1) You Enjoy Hard Work - Hanania found that politicians scored higher than the average public on the trait of contentiousness, so those planning to jump into the political circus need to be prepared for the battle. Successful politicians tend to be highly organized. Paying attention to detail is key, and it helps to be a good planner.  2) You Are Always Willing to Lend a Sympathetic Ear - The study reveals that it also helps to have an agreeable personality if you are going into politics. Being sympathetic and kind can aid representatives in responsibilities such as listening to the concerns of their constituents, conforting the grieving, and building a good rapport with the public during their campaigns.  3) You Are a People Person - The broad term extraversion refers to specific traits such as being "talkative, energetic, and assertive." And politicians generally scored highly on it. Because they have to deal with people all day, not to mention all that hand shaking. Those who go into politics tend to be outgoing and social. If you love chatting with friends and strangers alike, you were probably meant for public affairs.  4) you are not typically an Anxious Person - from the headlines and the setbacks to the in-fighting, we all know that a career in government is not the chillest of lives. Politicians tended to score lower on trait of neuroticism, meaning theyare less likely to become frequently anxious and are not particularly emotionally sensitive. If you can remain unflappable and maintain calm in the face of controversy, then go get yourself elected.  5) You Are Highly Focused and Don't Mind Being Bored - Those who are less artistically inclined may be better suited for politics according to the study.

              Despite their many differences, politicians share a lot of characteristics. So what does the psychology of politicians reveal about this truth? What traits should a politician have? While we may not like to admit it, successful politicians from every ideological background have a lot in common. They are usually personable and self-confident public speakers. "Are there certain psychological traits that make a perfect politician?" As it turns out, the psychology of politicians has revealed quite a few. The following are six of the most important and most universal traits of successful politicians.  1) Confident - Confidence breeds confidence, so often one of the most important things influencing our opinion of the candidates is how confident they appear. In fact, the level of confidence a person shows often overshadows the validity of what the person actually says.   2) Charming - Another important characteristic that any politician needs to have is charm. Perhaps this seems obvious, after all, we are much more likely to vote for a person we like than a person we simply agree with. We prefer our candidates to be funny and good story-tellers. A big part of what contributes to a candidate's charm is how much that candidate mirros us. Essentially, similarity creates liking, so we find a candiadte charming if they seem like us, at least while we are interacting.  3) Relatable - Linked to charm, retability is another factor that determines whether or not a person makes a good politician. An awareness of our own social status is deeply ingrained in our psyches.  4) Goal-Oriented - People like to feel like they are accomplishing something. That is a big part of the reason why successful politicians always have simple, straightforward plans for big changes. If we vote for a candidate with a big plan, we have contributed to the lofty goal.  5) Uncomplicated - According to Parkinson's Law of Triviality, people are willing to spend much more time and effort on something they understand than something complicated that they don't. While policy on a subject may be inherently complex, we are more willing to believe a nice, simple sound bite on a subject than a long, complicated explanation.  6) Fearless - Low levels of anxiety not only help get through the endless public scrutiny, speeches, and debates but also allows them to make snap decisions and stick with a course of action despite roadblocks they may face. 

              A good leader is a self actualized leader. Self actualization is the highest form of human growth, someone who is self actualized is a fully functioning human being. In the past, I have written about the characteristics of self actualized people which can be applied to this article as well. But the characteristics below are unwaveringly related to a good leader. It is worth to pay attention to these and take them into consideration when we are making a choice as to whom we chose as a leader. A good leader is: 1) Fair and Objective - A good political leader does not take what is similar to his view. he uses reliable information to make judgments and to come up with resolution. He stands above his own believes to observe events objectively.  2) Moving Above Himself and Serving the Society - A good leader stands above any specific religious or political views of his own and is independent of any attachment to a specific agenda. His personal beliefs becomes his private matters and he learns to leave them out the door once he steps into a leadership role. 3) Not Seeking Fame and Attention - A good leader has been able to move above and beyond any egoistic and primitive need for power, attention or establishing his own personal agenda and works with the intention of good-for-all.  4) Not Into Hiding the Truth For the Sake of Looking Good - A good leader says it as it is even if it feels uncomfortable for many to hear it. He is not a people please in a sense that he would say anything to please others even if that means manipulating or misguiding the public. It takes a lot of courage to do this and a good leader has that courage.  5) Focused on Specific, Achievable, and Measurable Goals and Demands Outcomes - A good leader is focused and does not get distracted. His goals, whether small or large, are reasonable and achievable and are directed towards the long term results not quick and temporary fixes that may backfire.  6) Encourages People to Be Accountable for Their Actions - A good leader helps people understand that they are  accountable for their society and its outcome and teaches them to make compromises and responsible choices. He does not support a sense of self-serving entitlement that has gove too far and is counter-productive for the society as a whole.  7) Does not Pay Attention to Being Politically Correct but Ethically So.  8) Does not Make Idealistic Promises but realistic Ones -  9) Honest even if it does not Get Approval.  10) Thinks Globally and Acts Locally.   11) Takes Personal responsibility.

International Day of Democracy - 2018

          Yesterday 15th of September, all over the world celebrated our right to speak up against bad public policies, corruption, injustice, censorship, governmental overreach, electoral fraud, abuse of power, violation of human rights, etc. It is a day to remember many citizens who died fighting for rights that only democracy can offer us. Many rights that in a democracy everybody take for granted, but sometimes without our fast perception could be lost, and once lost is very difficult to recovery. This post is a summary of three articles. The first was published at  http://www.un.org/en/events/democracyday/. The second was published at  http://www.unesco.org/new/en/unesco/events/prizes-and-celebrations/celebrations/international-day-of-democracy/. The third was published at https://www.ibiidi.com/event/International-Day-Of-Democracy-Of-2018. The fourth was published at https://democracychronicles.org/international-day-of-democracy-15-september-2018/

          2018 theme is: Democracy under Strain: Solutions for a Changing World.  "Democracy is showing greater strain than at any time in decades. That is why this International Day should make us look for ways to invigorate democracy and seek answers for the systemic challenges it faces." Said the U.N. Secretary-General, Antonio Guterres. This year's International Day of Democracy is an opportunity to look for ways to invigorate democracy and seek answers to the systemic challenges it faces. This includes tackling economic and political inequalities, making democracies more inclusive by bringing the marginalized into the political system, and making democracies more innovative and responsive to emerging challenges such as migration and climate change. With this year's 70th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), the International Day of Democracy is also an opportunity to highlight the values of freedom and respect for human rights as essential elements of democracy. The UDHR, which states that, "the will of the people shall be the basis of the authority of government" (article 21), has inspired constitution-making around the world. Democracy, in turn, provides the natural environment for the protection and effective realization of human rights.

            Change is racing across the world, transforming societies everywhere. This is opening vast new opportunities for men and women to realise their human rights, to become empowered citizens and fulfil their aspirations to decent jobs, to participate fully in society, to advance dialogue and bolster the foundations for peace. With this come steep new challenges also. The challenges of enduring poverty and deepening inequalities. The challenges of conflict and violence. The challenges of rights denied and voices silenced through weak institutions, the rise of populism and exclusive rule. In this context, democracy is a compass setting. It is the path and the direction for moving forward. This message stands at the heart of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, calls on all States to "promote peaceful and inclusive societies for sustainable development, provide access to justice for all and build effective, accountable and inclusive institutions at all levels." Democracy is about effective and accountable institutions, the rule of law and good governance, it is also a culture, a way of thinking, being and acting. This must be taught and shared, voices and expressed across all boundary lines, starting with individual men and women, especially those most at risk. Everyone must be represented. Every voice must be heard. Every action must be accountable to the benefit of all, in the spirit of dialogue and respect. Building a better future must start with defending the rights and dignity of everyone today.

              Democracy is an essential element in any community to foster the production and sustain development and prosperity. Meanwhile, many threats are chasing our global democracy. Hence, in 2007 the U.N. General Assembly endeavoured for fostering and promoting the concept and principles of democracy, and subsequently, the 15th of September has been officially announced to be the International Day of Democracy. This day served as an opportunity to "raise public awareness" in regard to the pivotality spreading democracy worldwide and uphold its principles. All the members states and global organizations, are celebrating the International Day of Democracy of 2018 under the theme of "Democracy under Strain: Solutions for a Changing World highlighting the necessity of tackling the political inequalities, and confronting the different challenges, The theme is also referring to values of freedom and respect for human rights within the scope of democracy. Therefore, the day witnessed plenty of initiatives, events, seminars, activities, aswell as press conferences discussing the trubles, which are current being confronted in order to prevail democracy worldwide. Additionally, such events and campaigns include public speakers, and leaders endorsing the engagement of youth in the political life. It is worthy to mention, also, that many leaflets, posters have been published so as to give the youth a chance to gain more information about Democracy, and the freedom of expression, cultural diversity and tolerance are inclined with the concept of democracy.

             The International Day of Democracy will mark its 10th anniversary on 15th September 2018. This day has been observed by U.N. member states since 15th September 2008. The thme for this year, captures the struggles in implementing democratic principles around the world. The U.N. invites both governmental and non-governmental organizations of member state countries to commemorate this day. This initiative seeks to address challenges faced by advocates of democracy, be it as dependent or independent bodies and intends to help nurture and encouragement of democratic principles in societies across the world. Democracy should be promoted relentlessly until power and decision making is in the hands of the citizen and when representatives work selflessly for its citizens and not the other way round.

          

Fraud Possible in Brazil's E-Voting System

            This post is a summary of a report published in 2010 and three articles. The report was published at  https://www.ifes.org/sites/default/files/rlp_electoral_fraud_white_paper_web.pdf. The second summary with the title above was published in 2014 at https://www.zdnet.com/article/fraud-possible-in-brazils-e-voting-system/.    The third summary was published in 2018 at                             https://www.reuters.com/article/us-usa-election-votingmachines/ahead-of-november-election-old-voting-machines-stir-concerns-among-us-officials-idUSKCN1IW16Z. The fourth was published at https://www.theatlantic.com/technology/archive/2016/08/how-electronic-voting-could-undermine-the-election/497885/

           The purpose of this paper is to offer an assessment of electoral fraud from an international comparative perspective with the aim of providing a better understanding of the current nature of electoral fraud around the world. This paper also seek to present a set of strategies and tools that may help the international community to address the problem. The International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES) is producing this paper to address the rising concern throughout the democracies and governance community about the effects of electoral fraud on developing nations. To date, most work in this field has focused on after-the-fact fraud detection, generally through the reports of international and domestic election observer missions. However, election observation only address part of the fraud problem, which requires a more comprehensive approach of deterrence, detection, and mitigation. The time has come for democracies and governance practitioners to move beyond the generic guidelines provided by electoral observation groups and electoral management bodies (EMB) which cover only the most visible parts of the electoral process.  An EMB should institute directed anti-fraud measures that will serve three functions: deter participants from engaging in fraud; allow for the detection of undeterred fraud; and provide for mitigation of the harm by fraud that has escaped both deterrence and detection efforts. Establishing legitimacy and credibility is vital. The effects a electoral fraud can be especially devastating in new democracies since serious fraud is likely to result in instability and an immediate erosion of the new government's tenuous credibility. The term "new democracies"  describes both emerging and consolidating multiparty political systems at different stages of development. Clearly, electoral fraud has not become completely irrelevant in older and well-established democracies; but on theoretical and practical grounds, the focus of this paper will be those democracies where electoral fraud is more frequently alleged and darker in its implications. The global expansion of multiparty elections during the last thirty years has brought fraud to the forefront of democratic development. Electoral fraud is the gravest form of electoral malpractice, and should be combated overtly by all those with a satke in democratic development. The amount and severity of the fraud depends on the ability of government, the international community, political parties, media, civil rights advocates, etc. to effectively protect the freedoms and rights of voters and candidates.

                 Flaws found in the Brazilian eletronic voting system could open up the possibility of fraud as more than 140 million people go to the polls in the elections. E-voting was introduced in Brazil in 1996 as a means to ensure secrecy and accuracy of the elections process, as well as speed the system underpinned by about 530,000 voting machines currently in place enables results to be processed within a matter of minutes within closing of the ballots. However, a public test of the equipment conducted by security and encryption specialists from Unicamp and UNB, two of the top computer science universities in Brazil, suggest that it is possible to easily break the secrecy of the machine and unscramble the order of votes recorded by the device. "Brazilians unconditionally believe the security of the country's electoral authority and processes. The issue is that common citizens actually have no other option because of the lack of independent checks," says Unicamp professor Diego Aranha. Another issue is that the Brazilians machines model, do not produce a physical proof that the vote has been recorded. This means there is a constant danger of large-scale software fraud, as well as other non-technical tampering that could be perpetrated by electoral justice staff and go totally undetected, according to Aranha. The Brazilian Electoral Tribunal (TSE) did not allow new public tests since the faults were discovered by professor Aranha's team in 2012, since the system holes were found, the tribunal said it would not allow further independent tests. In an attempt to introduce more transparency to the voting process in Brazil, Aranha then created a mobile app, that captures information from images sent by users of printed statements from the voting machines with the total vote counts, which are displayed publicly upon closing of the ballots. The professor's medium to long-term goal is to develop a new eletronic voting machine that offers not only a printed proof that the vote has been processed, but also a more robust fraud detection system as well as auditing.

                 U.S. election officials responsible for managing more than a dozen political races this November share a fear: Outdated voting machines in their districts could undermine confidence in election results that will determine which party controls the U.S. Congress. In 14 of the 40 most competitive political races, Americans will cast ballots on voting machines that do not provide a paper trail to audit voters' intentions if a close election is questioned, according to a Reuters analysis of data from six states and the Verified Voting Founding, a non-political group concerned about verifiable elections. These include races in Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Texas, Florida, Kansas and Kentucky. Most of these states and local election officials interviewed by Reuters said they worry about bad actors hacking the older eletronic voting machines to alter ballots, and then being unable to verify the results because there will be no paper trail. But the officials worry most about voters losing trust in elections, because officials would not be able to visibly demonstrate that the tally was indeed accurate. "Voter confidence is a really big thing, and it is the battle I worry about losing," said Pennsylvania's elections commissioner, Jonathan Marks. His state has four of the country's most contested elections, all of them in counties that use the older machines. Most election officials interviewed by Reuters said they neither have the time nor the money to install voting machines that have a verifiable paper backup in time for the 2018 election. Officials believe paper is the best way to verify disputed election results because it can be physically examined and counted. Voting machines are generally not connected to the internet and therefore are difficult to hack. Many states switched to eletronic voting machines after paper ballot disputes cast a pall over George W. Bush's victory over Al Gore in 2000. But with cybersecurity a nascent concern at the time, securing machines against potential hackers was largely an afterhought. Last fall, Virginia became the only state since the 2016 election to replace all of its touchscreen machines after its board of elections decertified them. The state acted after hackers at the annual Def Con hacking conference in Las Vegas demonstrated how they could quickly break into eletronic machines, including some of the models used in Virginia's elections. Other states ordered their counties to upgrade, but they were delayed by lack of money and the difficult logistic of procuring new equipment. For most part, the Def Con hackers discovered vulnerabilities by physically accessing voting machines. Earlier this year, Congress appropriated $380 million to upgrade election systems across the country, but state officials say the amount is both too little and comes too far for them to buy new machines for the 2018 election.

             It is 2016: What possible reason is there to vote on paper? When we use touchscreen to communicate, work, and shop, why can´t we use similar technology to vote? A handful of states, and many precincts in other states, have already made the switch to voting systems that are fully digital, leaving no paper trail at all. But this is despite the fact that computer-security experts think electronic voting is a very, very bad idea. For years, security researchers and academics have urged elections officials to hold off on adopting eletronic voting systems, worrying that they are not nearly secure enough to reliably carry out their vital role in American democracy. Their claims have been backed up by repeated demonstrations of the systems' fragility. When the District of Columbia tested an eletronic voting system in 2010, a professor from the University of Michigan took it over from more than 500 miles away to show its weaknesses; with actual physical access to a voting machine, the same professor showed that a hacker who has access to a machine before election day could modify  its programming, and he did so, without even leaving a mark on the machine's tamper-evident seals. Paper ballots are harder to fudge than votes stored in bits and bytes: A manual recount can help assuage fears of a rigged election. Even voting machines that spit out a voters' choices on a piece of paper before submitting them are verifiable. But machines that record votes without providing a physical receipt are not easy to audit if accusations of fraud begin to fly.

Secondary Education Reform Means Challenges and Opportunities for Brazil

              The high school reform approved by Congress in 2017 is the best option to improve the Brazilian education, in the short-term, the sixth class and the flexibilization will deep the students knowledge in their subjects chosen, and in the long-term the integral school will give time for students learn more their weakness.   This post is a summary of two articles. The first with the title above was published at   http://porvir.org/en/secondary-education-reform-means-challenges-opportunities-brazil/                                                                                  The second was published at   http://www.worldbank.org/en/results/2017/04/10/improving-flexibility-quality-equity-upper-secondary-education-mexico. The third was published at   http://www.thesunchronicle.com/vip/opinion/columns/guest-column-why-students-should-choose-their-own-classes/article_9b794965-5d99-55c0-9890-fa66d23ce407.html. The fourth was published at  https://www.ecs.org/clearinghouse/78/61/7861.pdf

               Despite representing an opportunity to address the strucutural problems of this stage of education, new proposals must overcome obstacles to appeal to young people and not increase inequality. Approved by Congress in February 2017, the reform of secondary education requires that 60% of the curriculum is organized around common subjects while 40% should correspond to optional educational programs. In this model, students from public and private schools will be able to choose to extend their studies in the ares of languages, math, natural sciences, human and social sciences and technical and professional training, depending on the courses offered by their schools. Although the proposal still generates disagreement among administrators, teachers and students, everyone agrees on one point: the final stage of basic education in Brazil needs to change. During the Seminar "Curricular Challenges in Secondary Education: Implementation and Flexibilization," several professionals involved in the educational debate highlighted the challenges and opportunities of strucutural reform in this phase. According to data from the IBGE, in Brazil 1.3 million people aged 15 to 17 leave school before completing their studies. Cesar Callegari, a member of the National Education Council, says that in such scenario decisive steps are needed to set basic education on the path to what the country and the young require. "It is unacceptable that we still consider it normal that 90% of people finish basic education without the required knowledge in math and 78% without the minimum knowledge in Portuguese," he states. But what defines a good high school? For Elizabeth Fordham, the senior advisor for education of the OECD, a quality system must ensure that everyone masters key cognitive skills, as well as addressing the interests of young people and preparing students for the future. "The reform in Brazil is in line with what we consider a reference for a good high school," she says. While the advisor defends the possibility of students choosing their educational paths, she also warns that it will also be necessary to create mechanisms to support young people in such decision making, stating that almost 50% of students in OECD countries participate in vocational programs. In the opinion of Thayane santos, who has just finished high school in Rio, the reform should ensure that everyone's choices are considered. "All I hope for from any kind of educational reform is that the exception becomes the rule," says Thayane, mentioning the fact that only 14% of young Brazilians are in higher education. Thayane's concerns reveal another challenge faced by flexibilization, especially considering almost 3,000 Brazilian municipal regions have only one school. Neca Setubal President of the board of the Tide Setubal Foundation, warns that such regions will have to enter into partnership agreements and reorganize themselves within structures and systems of collaboration so that they can offer the five areas of graduation. "The student has to have a real chioce," she says, explaining that the system should offer young people options in their itineraries and prepare them to make such choices. At the same time, she says that the search for ways to offer all the itineraries is an opportunity for schools to learn to work in partnership. Despite the challenges faced, the high school reform brings the opportunity to tackle the old problems of education in Brazil, bringing changes in assessment, timetables, teacher training, and didactic materials. "Once the flexibilization being implemented becomes a reference for transformation, we can move into another structural reality." says Ricardo Henrique executive of Unibanco.

                  More than one-third of Mexico's students in upper secondary education are now enrolled in schools that share a competency-based curriculum for developing the skills. Despite large increments in enrollment (from 59% in 2008 to 72% in 2015), dropout rates have decreased considerably, from 16% to 12% in 2015. In addition, gaps in enrollment and graduation rates between poor and well-off students have narrowed. Between 2010 and 2016, reforms creating the institutional basis for the National Upper Secondary Education System and the development policy loan supported key policy actions to improve the quality, relevance and equity of upper secondary education in Mexico. Just-in-time technical assistance helped overcome some obstacles faced during reform implementation; for example, workshop recommendations on international best teaching practices led to critical design improvements in the teacher-training program introduced with the reform. The flexibility and efficiency of the upper secondary education system improved, allowing more than a third of students to adjust their schooling pathways, without the need to start over, thus completing their degrees. In addition, these students benefited from important gains in education quality, among them curriculum adjustments to subject area, and professional competencies and the development of minimum learning standards for secondary education. Before the reform, the curriculum had been content-based and focused on memorization; the new curriculum emphasizes meaningful learning and problem-solving skills. The reform strengthened the institutional capacity and contributed to developing the regulatory framework for the secondary education system.

             Many students feel that courses they are taking in high school are not relevant to the field of study they would eventualy major in at a higher level of education. Should a student who hopes to major in journalism be forced to take so many classes of chemistry, physics and calculus in order to graduate? Should a student who hopes to major in biochemistry be told he must take three years of Spanish in order to get his diploma? Instead of putting the focus on what really matters, preparing students for the real world and life after high school, students are required to take that take up their effort and time. The problem with our current education system is that students are spending too much time in classes that will get them nowhere and not enough time in classes that will actually help them in life and their careers. Students should be able to choose their own classes because it would prepare them better for the real world. Students would have more motivation to learn and come to school if they were given the opportunity to choose their own classes. When students have the ability to choose what they would like to learn about, it makes them more eager to engage with the material. Give high school students the same freedom as college students, and we will take education a step in the right direction. When students can apply their knowledge learned in high school classes to their real life, that is a successful outcome. Students have different minds with different interestts, and it is unfair to "universalize" the courses that every student at a school has to take. If a student does well in and has a passion for English but struggles in math, that student should have the freedom to take more Emglish and literature so he or she can thrive and learn about a subject that he or she loves.

             Nobody benefits when a student arrives in high school or college with deficiencies that could have been addressed previous to the student's promotion. Students who enter high school with poor reading skills are 20 times more likely to drop out than their highest achieving classmates. Optimally, no student would enter high school with below-grade-level skills, but many do. For those students it is critical that their low skills are accurately identified so that they can be provided with proper instruction while in high school. Without good data, such accurate identification is possible. Boredom brought on by the failure to see the curriculum's relevance is a major obstacle to learning for high school students. Reporting findings from high school survey of student engagement finds that: 1)Two-thirds of students are bored in class at least every day.  2) 17% of students are bored in every class.  3) Of students who have considered dropping out of school, 60% cite not seeing value in the work they were being asked to do as the reason they considered dropping out. Additionally, students who have failed behind are often overwhelmed by the need to repeat entire year in classes and simly quit. This mean that effective remediation policies also can serve as dropout prevention policies.

Privacy and Dignity: Online Shaming in the Global E-Village

            This post is a summary of the article with the incomplete title above, published in 2014  at       www.mdpi.com/2075-471X/3/2/301/pdf

             Since the introduction of new Web-based technology in the 21st century. We have witnessed personal information of targeted individuals being disclosed and displayed for the purpose of humiliation and social condemnation by the anonymous internet crowd, followed by harassment and abusive behavior online and offline, resulting in serious disruption of personal life. Drawing on socio-legal literature on shaming and punishment, and jurisprudence from the English Courts on defamation, harassment and misuse of personal information and the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) on the relationship between the right to private life and dignity, the discussion will explain how the role of dignity has formed the development of the right to privacy where its value has played a distinctive role. It argues that the recognition and protection of the dignity and privacy of an individual is necessary in order to arrive at norms and values inherent in decent participation in the e-village. In this article, the term "dignity" refers to one's innate personhood, integrity and self-respect. This article analyzes emerging cases. Dignity should be recognized as part of a right to privacy, which should not be compromised easily regardless of whether one is at fault or not. One may question the value of fighting for privacy in the "digital age" when big data is readily available to identify individuals. However, it is exactly this development of the internet and technology at this time that warrant the urgent call for a re-examination of the concept of privacy and its core values of dignity. What we should also bear in mind is that this concept of dignity refers to an intrinsic value in each human being which must allow for freedom from humiliation and the development of physical and psychological integrity. The unrestrained disclosure of personal information in some cases severely threatens physical security and psychological health. What is needed, therefore, is the recognition and protection of the dignity and privacy of the individual in order to arrive at norms and values inherent in decent participation in the e-village. In what follows, there is a detailed discussion concerning the concept of "shame". Section 2, explains why civilized society should not use shame sanctions from a socio-legal perspective for protection of dignity, and against the dehumanizing effect in society as a whole. Followed in Section 3, this article will outline various international legal instruments related to the concept of dignity and its close connection with the right to privacy. In section 4, the rulings from the ECHR on the meanings of reputation, honor, dignity and privacy have given us new insight, despite the fact that the doctrine on dignity is not yet settled. The final part will

address the issue of why the right to privacy, including the aspect of dignity, should never be compronised in the face of so-called freedom of expression in online shaming. Convinced as we may be by arguments, any serious efforts to prohibit or regulate online shaming has to be anchored in legal principles. Massaro, Whitman and Foucaul may well have argued for a halt to public humiliation but the real challenge to be faced is to expalin why the law must recognize and legally protect the need for dignity and why such dignity should prevail. Dignity as a legal principle has been enshrined   in numerous international treaties. For instance, the UDHR mentions the principle of dignity twice. When the protection of dignity is based on the noble ideal of respect for each human being. I will concentrate on the role of dignity in informing the development of the right to privacy inj cases influenced by the ECHR jurisprudence in the court. Then, I will discuss the other facets of the right to privacy, as manifested in the alternative legal remedies under harassment and personal data legislation. Lord Hoffman, one of the judges , was the only one  to discuss the relationship between  respect for dignity and privacy. In his judment, Lord Hoffman often used the term autonomy and dignity together, he ruled that, "what human rights law has done is to identify private information as something worth protecting as an aspect of human autonomy and dignity." To him, this protection consists of "the right to control the dissemination of information about one's private life and the right to the esteem and respect of other people." It is of particular relevance to our discussion on dignity the acknowledged that privacy rights are there to protect one's personal dignity and autonomy, he also addressed directly the fact that while a particular activity may seem undignified, it should not compromise one's personal dignity, and to take away that dignity strikes at the core one's personality. He ruled accordingly that damages awarded should compensate one's distress, hurt feelings and loss of dignity. The courts should emphasized that the principal value behind privacy rights is the protection of individual autonomy in the pursuit of self-realization and innate dignity. The disclosure and wide dissemination of the information, especially in the form of images,  is particularly intrusive, it constitute a massive attacks in holding the claimants to ridicule, severe embarrassment or contempt. The intensity can reach such a level that their self-esteem, self-respect and innate dignity are severely damaged. The deleterious power of the internet in exposing an individual in a permanent form has been well documented. Since ECHR had ruled that there had been violation of the anti-discrimination principle. The court had elaborate on the meaning. First, it reiterated that the right to private life is assured that it includes one's right to live privately, away from unwanted attention, to pursue freely the development and fulfillment of one's personality, and to establish and develop relationships with others. Secondly, the court noted that the applicants

had been "marked in the eyes of society." The constant embarrassment and the continued burden that they have to face amounted to "possible impediment to their leading a normal personal life",  which are relevant factors to be taken into account in the consideration. It was Marshall McLuhan writing on the phenomenon of e-media, who had foretold that, we would live in a state of eletronic interdependence in a global village. The speed of this e-media would wire us up to act and react to global issues instantaneously, continuously and collectively. This global village has every potential  to become a place where totalitarianism and terror may rule due to the sacrifice of individualism and lack of in-depth reflection. He left us with a piece of advice, asking us to be vigilant towards the dynamic that tech would bring and to the impact of the media on our social interaction. Sadly, McLuhan's prophesy holds true for the 21st century cyber global village because we have  seen that the internet is replete with examples of online shaming. Individuals are being persecuted by the anonymous crowd on the internet for the purpose of public humiliation, followed by online and offline harassment, leading ultimately to the ostracism of the individuals concerned from their communities, causing real and psychological harm to them. In our attempt to search for legal guidance from the ECHR, we have noticed an emerging jurisprudence on the recognition of one's innate dignity and its relational claim on how one should be treated by others as part of human dignity, forming the fundamentals of the right to respect for private life. Another research would be necessary to do justice to the issues of accountability but it is hoped, at least, that this article has laid the ground work for the recognition of a legal right to privacy, based on the right to dignity. Dignity has been described as a guardian angel hovering over our laws, It is perhaps time now to call upon our legal guardians for protection in favor of a proper responsible participation in the e-village.

Political Inclusion is Vital to Sustainable Democracy

       This post is a summary of three articles. The first was published with the title above in 2017 at  https://www.idea.int/news-media/news/political-inclusion-vital-sustainable-democracy  The second was published at  https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=4260&context=flr    The third was published at http://citiesofmigration.ca/building-inclusive-cities/political-inclusion/

                   No voice should be left unheard. No one should be left behind. No one should be subject to any form of exclusionary rhetoric. For democracy to be sustainableeach and every citizen to participate in political processes and represent their interest and concerns. Substantial evidence points to the exclusion from political decision-making as a key factor in both political and civil conflict and instability, which in turn affects democratic consolidation. Democracy is dependent on the participation and representation of all citizens in democratic institutions and processes. These institutions and processes include election management bodies, constitution-building processes, political parties and parliaments. Underpinning all this is political inclusion. This is the idea that every citizen, regardless of class, age, gender, sexual orientation, culture and ethnic or religious background, should have an equal right and opportunity to engage with and contribute to the functioning of these institutions and processes. Working to achieve political inclusion is fraught with challenges. Foremost amongst these is the increasing difficult by which the needs and aspirations of citizens can connect with accountable and representative political institutions. Democratic institutions and processes are often mistrusted. Some citizens, meanwhile, are not interested in voting or joining in a political party. This is because they see no difference with who is in power. They think their voices will not matter or have an influence on how political institutions will act. Secondly, inequality of opportunity persists worldwide. Notall citizens in society are represented in policy discussions and many feel marginalized. Finally, in some cases, access to political institutions is not available or even feasible because the frameworks or modalities for inclusion citizen involvement and engagement are not being implement or are simply not in place. While advocating for political inclusion for sustainable democracy is not easy, there are ways by which we as citizens can do our part. This can begin by just being aware of the challenges. This then allows you to give space for all voices to be heard and included in your day-to-day activities. Every action counts. Your action matters to all of us.

                     Over the last three decades, the notion of citizenship has become increasingly recurrent in the political vocabulary in Brazil. In Latin America, its emergence has been linked to the experiences of social movements during the late 1970s and 1980s, reinforced by efforts towards democratization. In Brazil, popular movements, excluded sectors, trade unions, and leftist parties increasingly adopted the notion of citizenship as a central element in their political strategies. This notion spread as a common reference among a variety of social movements. These movements organized around different demands, found in the concept of citizenship not only a useful tool for their specific dtruggles, but also a powerful articuling link among them. The process of democratic construction in Brazil today faces an important dilemma whose roots are to be found in the confluence of two different processes. On one hand, a process of enlarging democracy in the creation of public spaces and the increasing participation of civil society in the discussion and decision-making processes related to public issues and policies. The formal landmark of this process is the constitution of 1988. Such project emerged from the struggle against the military regime. On the other hand, with the election in 1989, there was the emergence of the project of a reduced state and through the shrinking of its social responsibilities and their transference to civil society. The building of citizenship has been seen at once as a general struggle for the expansion of democracy, which was able to incorporate a plurality of demands and set of particular struggle for rights (housing, education, health, etc.) whose success would expand democracy. Citizenship has become a prominent notion because it has been recognized as a crucial weapon not only in the struggle against social and economic exclusion but also in the broadening of conceptions of politics. The perception of the cultural social authoritarianism as a dimension of exclusion, in addition to economic inequality and political subordination, became a significant element in the struggle to redefine citizenship. This perception supports broadening the scope of citizenship, the meaning of which became far from restricted to the formal-legal acquisition of a set of rights, which would be limited to the political-judicial system. The struggle for citizenship was thus presented as a project for a new sociability.

                Political inclusion measures the extent to which all members of a society are able to access the institutions of democracy. Amore accurate measure od political inclusion is the ability of any individual, regardless of their socioeconomic background or ethnicity, to access the levers of political power. The difference between one and any defines the scope of work ahead of us for political inclusion. Democracy is stronger when everyone participates. Lower levels of participation and representation weaken our democratic institutions, preserving power in the hands of a few. These political elite then shape policy in their own interest, rather than in the interest of the majority.The challenge of integrating population into democracies might seem daunting. But at its core, political integration is rooted in three values: authenticity, inclusion and accountability. Specifically, policymakers can ensure that these values are embeedded into democratic institutions by doing the following: 1) Evaluating regularly - with changing demographics, policies that worked a decade ago may not be adequate today. Staying in touch with how a community looks, lives and works requires constant and consistent engagement. 2) Going beyond diversity and representation to inclusion and equity - Practically, this requires diligent attention to who holds decision-making authority and power. Populating advisory committees with minorities, for example, might check the box on diversity but unless the committee has influence and the members have voting power, we are not advancing political inclusion. 3) Mechanisms for accountability - how we hold our leaders and our institutions accountable determines how well they serve us. These mechanisms can include voting but also include community hearings, town halls, transparency around meetings. Along with these, we must ensure ways that residents are informed and included. When decision-making centers these practices above individual ambitions or short-term gains, the results can be far-reaching, creating the inclusive democracies that we all aspire to.

200th Birthday of Emily Bronte

           Almost two weeks ago, precisely on 30th of July, the British writer Emily Bronte would complete 200 years old, so this post is a tribute to her. She was a pionner in many ways and  her only novel is a story about injustice and hipocrisy . This post is a summary of four articles. The first was published at https://www.biography.com/people/emily 9227381  The second was published at  ttps://www.panmacmillan.com/blogs/classics/celebrating-emily-bronte%E2%80%99s-200th-birthday. The third was published at https://www.enotes.com/homework-help/whats-important-about-wuthering-heights-novel-466425. The fourth was published at  https://www.yorkshirepost.co.uk/news/analysis/the-enduring-appeal-of-emily-bronte-and-wuthering-heights-1-9269960

           

              Born in Thornton, Yorkshire, England, on July 30, 1818, Emily Jane Bronte lived a quiet life with her clergyman father; brother Branwell; and two sisters, Charlotte and Anne. The sisters enjoyed writing poetry and novels, which they published under pseudonyms. As "Ellis Bell," Emily wrote Wuthering Heights (1847), her only novel, which garnered wide critical and comercial acclaim. Emily Bronte died in Haworth in 1848, the same year that her brother passed away. Emily was the fifth child of Reverend Patrick Bronte and his wive, Mary. The family moved to Haworth in 1821. Only a few months later, Bronte's mother died of cancer. Her mother's sister, Elizabeth, came to live with the family to help care for the children. At the age of 6, Emily was sent to the Clergy Daughters' School with Charlotte and her two old sisters, Elizabeth and Mary. Both Elizabeth and Mary became seriously ill at school and returned home, where they died of tuberculosis in 1825. Bronte's father removed both Emily and Charlotte from the school as well. At home, she read extensively and began to make up stories with her siblings. She became a teacher at the Law Hill School in September 1837, but she left her position the following year. Emily and Charlotte travelled to Brussels in 1842 to study, but the death of their aunt Elizabeth forced them to return home. Publishing as Ellis Bell, Emily published  her defining work, Wuthering Heights, in December 1847. The complex novel explores two families, the Earnshaws and the Lintons, across two generations and their stately homes. At first, reviewers did not know what to make. It was only after Emily's death that the book developed its reputation as a literary masterwork. Interest in Bronte's work and life remains strong today. The parsonage where Bronte spent much of her life is now a museum. The Bronte Society operates the museum and works to preserve and honor the work of the Bronte sisters.

                   The 30th of July marks Emily Bronte 200th birthday. Emily, along with her sisters Charlotte and Anne, were pioneers of literature in the 1800s, having initially published their works under male pseudonyms to get their stories heard. The literary landscape has changed dramatically over the last few centuries but Wuthering Heights, Emily's only novel, remains a classic, tempestuous tale of doomed love in the moody Yorshire moors. Britain is pulling out all the stops to celebrate this literary birthday, from a tribute postbox in Yorshire to a handcraft violin made from the wood of a tree near the Bronte parsonage. Emily's legacy is being honoured by a myriad of influential women, Lily Cole, Carol Ann Duffy and Jackie Kay to name a few, who are turning their creative talents to Bronte inspired projects. The Brontes' stories are being told all over the country, so we thought we would give you three facts you may not have heard. 1) Emily Bronte was born in the same year that Mary Shelley published her only novel Frankenstein, under a male pseudonym. 2) It's believed that Emily was never in love and preferred the company of her sisters, if that was the case how did she come up with her love story? Historians think her story was based on Emily's brother Branwell and his chaotic relationship with Lydia Robinson. 3) Emily was only 30 years old when she died of tuberculosis.

                Wutheeing Heights is a victorian, which traditionally contains characters who lead a hard and difficult life in nearly every way. In a victorian novel, usually the protagonist spend the bulk of their stories enduring their difficult circumstances, usually created by some injustice and then rewarded for their efforts, ensuring a happy ending to the novel. Wuthering Heights is significant because is not a typical Victorian novel. One thing it does have in common with most other Victorian novel is that it deals with the distinct economic differences between the rich and the poor. That is the crux of Charles Dickens's A Christmas Carol, for example. One of the ways this novel does not fit the norm, however, is that it is the only Victorian novel which places its characters outside the society in which they live. Of course the setting of this novel naturally isolates these characters, but they are additionally disconnected from a society. That is not say that society does not matter, as Catherine changes the course of both her life and Heathcliff's life based on her adherence to society standards. Another way Wuthering Heights is unique is that it does not deal with social issues and problems like all the other Victorian novels. Instead, she concentrates on the inner workings of her characters' hearts and minds. Perhaps the most significant aspect of this Victorian novel is that it provides the first indication of the next thing to be written. It is a Gothic Romantic novel, containing many of the elements of the modern novel. The setting is haunting, dark, and mysterious, and the presence of ghosts and other supernatural elements certainly characterize the novel more as Gothic than as Victorian.

                It is 200 years since Emily Bronte was born andWuthering Heights has lost none of its popularity. Her book remains one of the most enduringly popular novels of the past two centuries, though its author didn't live to bask in the acclaim. It was Emily's only novel but one that has left an indelible mark on English literature and which remains hugely popular. Best-selling author Kate Mosse is appearing in Haworth for a compilation of short stories, each inspired by the anti-hero of Wuthering Heights. Mosse has been a fan of the Bronte sisters, since she was a teenager. "She was part of this extraordinary family of writers living in Haworth and then there is the influence the book has had on other writers.'' She says Emily wrote a novel the like of which had not been seen before. It was baout nature that was indifferent and just sat there at the heart of the novel. People move through the landscape and it is significant that if you look at the titles of Anne and Charlotte's novels they are named after people, whereas with Emily is a place, and right from the beginning of this the key character is the place rather than the people.