Human Rights in Latin America: A Politics of Terror and Hope

                        We all have to fight for justice with human rights violations, because unpunished violations could easily being used to put fear in people with dystopian consequences. We can not let this happens. We all must fight for our most basic human rights and demand justice and reparations when they are violated. Violations bring very stressful situations, depression, humiliation, insomnia, bullying, anxiety, and many others mental and physical disturbs to the victims. And also harms to political, democratic and social order. So reparations is only a part of the remedies for such suffering and terrible situation. So important as basic human rights is the political right to participate in a election. All human rights defenders are political activists, because there is not democracy without human rights and there is not human rights without democracy. This post is a summary of a review of the book published in 2010 with the title above at https://networks.h-net.org/node/6148/reviews/7304/seveso-cardenas-human-rights-latin-america-politics-terror-and-hope. The second summary is a short content of the same book published at   https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt3fhm05

              Sonia Cardenas, a specialist on human rights, has three central concerns in her new book: the origins of human rights violations, the pathways to political reform, and the challenge of accountability in Latin America. The book starts with a short but useful explanation of the different types of human rights violations. Cardenas emphasizes that she is particularly interested in abuses against civil and political rights. This chapter also describes differences in abuses over time, provides a comparison of human rights violations in Latin America and the rest of the world. The chapter ends with summaries of the most prominent human rights abuses in Chile, Argentina, Peru, Brazil, Colombia, etc. Some of which are accompanied by short first-person accounts of human rights victims. Both chapters 3 and 4 offer an institutional analysis of the global system of human rights governance. The author shows how the work of international NGOs and local activists put pressure on governments abusing human rights. Chapter 5 addresses show the interactions among human rights activism, political legitimacy, and internal conflict. Transnational networks can and do both symbolic and material pressure. Finally, Cardenas closes her book with a review of the moral and ethical dilemmas faced by post-dictatorial governments in Latin America. She explains why accountability has been needed to construct solid democracies, yet has proven elusive and destabilizing at the same time.                                                                                                                                                                                         Survivors of torture and captivity often describe their experience as a seemingly impossible mix of terror and hope: agonizing pain, combined with an ardent wish for a better day. Studying human rights issues also entails an uncomfortable blend of terror and hope: terror at witnessing the betrayal of other human beings, and a restrained hope for greater justice. As observers, we can be simultaneously drawn to and repelled by human rights accounts. Stories of terror expose the darkest side of humanity while evoking empathy for the victims. Understanding why people are tortured or disappeared requires, at a minimum, stepping back and getting up close stepping back to identify key facts, getting up close to hear personal experiences of abuses. In this sense, description is a first step to prevention. Any attempt to explain and prevent human rights violations must be based on an accurate understanding of past and ongoing abuses. Which rights have been violated in the region? How have these abuses changed over time? Are there significant cross-national differences? Hoe does Latin America compare to other world regions? Huma rights violations do not just happen. They reflect particular choices made by specific individuals. Despite their frequency, both in Latin America and around the world, these choices can appear quite puzzling. It is not altogether clear why human rights abuses are even committed, especially in the face of intense international scrutiny. What is it that leads certain individuals to inflict pain and suffering on others? When human rights violations occur, people need forums where they can go to demand justice. Domestic legal courts and political institutions, however, can fail to provide human rights accountability. Perpetrators go unpunished, victims are not compensated, and the truth remains untold. Fortunately, in situations where human rights victims or activists have exhausted all domestic remedies, they can turn to international and regional forums. Internationally, the U.N. system provides several interlocking mechanisms for upholding human rights. Regionally, the Inter-American human rights system offers a range of possibilities for those seeking protection. Societies undergoing democratization must confront past human rights abuses sooner or later. Who was responsible for violations? Who should be held accountable now? Should truth be pursued at all costs? Even if it threatens a perhaps fragile stability? Can human rights and democracy thrive in the absence of a reconciliation? George Santayana, the philosopher and writer, famously rermarked at the turn of the twentieth century that "those who can not remember the past are condemned to repeat it" Confronting past human rights violations is not simply a matter of justice. It may be part of preventing future abuses. Latin Americans realized this in the 1980s and 1990s when they echoed the words proclaimed decades earlier, after the horrors of the Holocaust were exposed: Never Again. Noble intentions aside, it remains unclear just how much the region has overcome the human rights legacies of the past.+

9th Anniversary of the Protests of June 2013

                       Tomorrow 20th of June one of the biggest protests in Brazil history will complete nine years. The reason why this protest is so much studied with many publications  and others are not, it was its character totally spontaneous, unexpected and non-partisan. We all in Brazil watched on TV and internet millions went to the streets to protest against corruption, injustices, violence, bad use of public money, etc. A lot of protesters wearing Guy Fawkes mask. A lot of protesters with posters asking for more investment in education, political inclusion and governmental transparency. In my opinion, it was one of the most beautiful moments of the Brazilian history and the power of its people. Those protests called by some as "June Revolution," and by others as "June Journeys" must be always remembered. And it is good also to remember what the protesters were asking for and what has changed after so many years.   This post is a summary of two articles. The first was published at  https://larrlasa.org/articles/10.25222/larr.69/. The second was published at  https://www.researchgate.net/publication/347943300_Anticorruption_protests_alliance_system_and_political_polarization

                       In June 2013, over one million Brazilians took to the streets in a paroxysm of political mobilization that began over an increase in bus fares. Brazilians peacefully demonstrated in an attempt to make their voices heard. Protests spread throughout the country after police forcibly and violently interrupted the initial protests, fueling public resentment of what many perceived to be the state's abuse of power and disregard for its citizens, symbolized economically in the bus fare hikes and physically in the police violence. While the protests began over bus fares, they soon included concerns ranging from political corruption to health and education and the economic costs of hosting the 2014 World Cup. Though covering a variety of issues and spanning the ideological spectrum, these protests collectively criticized the state for its perceived failure to provide adequate services for the public. Between the second and third weeks of June, over one million protests took to the streets, raising a diffuse cloud of demands that took two general forms. On the one hand were anticorruption discourses, issues that rejected politics as usual in Brazil. On the other hand, in making demands for federal funding to education, health, infrastructure, and other social needs, many protesters expressed an inherent belief in the strong and positive role the state should play in providing services for citizens. What emerged were parallel political discourses that simultaneously condemned and upheld the state. They mobilized against the state's abuse of power, be it through corruption, repression, or impunity, while making demands on the notion that the state should improve the quality of life through social programs. The protests had a very real and immediate effect on national politics. By the end of June, public officials walked away from bus fare hikes in SP, RJ and elsewhere. President Roussef pledged to work toward five "pacts" that would address issues like transportation, education, health, and corruption in Brazil. In the wake of the protests, Congress rejected PEC 37, which would have prohibited the Public Ministry from investigating congressional members. Brazilians taking to the streets in June believed PEC 37 opened the way for impunity for corruption. In protests of June 2013, demands for more investment in education accompanied protests against bus fare hikes. As cities rolled back the fares, people continued to take the streets fighting for greater public spending on education. As secondary student Grazielle Paz put it, students believed the government was "worrying too much about the World Cup and forgetting students. We have to fight for the National Education Plan, because it is something that can transform education for the next ten years." The events of June 2013 were in many ways monumental, drawing worldwide attention as millions throughout the country took the streets. The 2013 protests had a dramatic impact on politics in the short and long terms. The public pressure through protests led government to provide more funding for education and address the lack of medical care in the country. However, protest activity did not disappear, nor did the educational issues that had been a key component of the demonstrations.                                                                                                                                                                                                        The Massive protests of 2013 also called "The June Journeys" enabled a greater articulation between the fight against corruption and a series of demands and discontent that were ongoing at the national level. Undoubtedly, this constitutes one of the main characteristics that differentiate recent mobilizations to combat corruption from previous ones: its greater articulation with the international anti-corruption movement. The most recent notion of political corruption leads to a criticism of 'opacity' in public spending and overpricing for the realization of major construction. This "anti-system" sentiment predominated throughout the protests, ending even in a series of mobilizations and protests against politics, parties, institutions, etc. Associated with this, a certain centrality in the demand for more transparency, democracy, participation. In a way, this was what allowed the aggregation of the most different types of discontent and dissatisfaction around a common cause: it is for more quality in infrastructure, health, education, public transport, participation, etc. One of the main features of the protests wave that began in 2011 in several countries was denouncing corruption as something that has a negative bearing on political and economic processes. In this sense, it was demonstrated that the protests in June 2013 were an important milestone in the articulation between a series of discontent and dissatisfaction related to the very dynamics of the Brazil political system and a new international anti-corruption paradigm that emerged in the wave of protests in 2011. The new anti-corruption paradigm was geared towards criticizing the opacity of the economic system and the "corruption of democracy", calling for more transparency, democracy and freedom. In the Brazilian case, more than a reaction against the corruption of the system, express a revolt against the persistence of a political system that functioned on the basis of "political co-option", closing possible channels of representation and assuming the form of a " homogeneous, amorphous and indistinct mass". Such aspects made it possible to understand how mobilization and protests initially against injustices of the system and for more transparency, freedom and democracy, gradually became decisive electoral resources for the replacement of political leaders and by government guidelines, policies and programs. This analysis demonstrated the relevance of the 'political dimension' to understand the processes of emergence and diffusion of public protests. The characteristics and functioning dynamics of the political system are not secondary aspects in relation to the economic dimension. 

Achieving Political Inclusion - Part II

                             Everyone already know that I have been excluded from elections since 2012, when I wanted to be a candidate and the party said to me that they had enough candidates, there was not place for one more.  I don't know why they have denying me this right, since the population here where I have been living since I was born seems to want me as a politician. And now I feel that support for my political rights coming from everywhere else. I'd like to thank all demonstrations of support here in Brazil and abroad. United we are stronger for the common good. The governance of a country, state or city is a very important issue, because directly or indirectly affect all of us. We all should get involved and give our opinions in order to improve our life's conditions now and in the future. Due to increasingly polarization in politics, nowadays there is a lot of personal attacks instead debates of the many policies required for a better country, state or city. Some issues should unite us all, for example: the fight against human rights violations, including homicides and other most basic rights, the fight against corruption, The fight against political exclusion, the fight for a better education, and of course, the fight for a better democracy with freedom of expression and governmental transparency.   This week, the second part of the book with the title above published at   https://www.gmfus.org/sites/default/files/achieving_political_inclusion.pdf

               Every citizen have the opportunity for their vote to be counted and also to make sure that the suppression of diverse voices and diverse voters becomes a thing of the past. We have a lot of work to do. We should make sure that all people are included, respected and valued thus allowing us to develop a culture of community that inspires all of us to work together to safeguard democracy. Voting rights advocates have been clamoring for years about the crisis we face with the use of old and outdated voting equipment. When we talk about our system being broken, one thing that comes to mind is voting machines that do not have paper backup as well all witnessed in Florida during the Bush Gore election of 2000. A Pew Research Center report finds the American public have expressed declining confidence and trust in our institutions, our media, our government. We have to understand that this system is still one of the best in the world. It is everybody's right to say, I am going to vote, I want my vote to be counted, I want to be educated about the issues and how to vote so that we can continue to have confidence in the system. Since confidence is fundamental to supporting freedom and democracy. It is vitally important we have inclusive, democratic institutions and political parties. A key element in this challenge is senior political leadership. What do we mean by senior leadership? Two things: first is for leaders to acknowledge and own the uncomfortable truths about democratic deficits and lack of representation. Without this acknowledgement, you can not deal with the problem. It is such an important step. The second is for senior leadership to have a comprehensive plan to address this deficit, and to gain buy-in from other leaders. The second aspect is a bottom-up approach. That is the civic and political empowerment of communities. The danger of having only bottom-up is that you get political enclaves that do not see beyond their own group. The danger of just having top-down is that you end up with patronage politics in which the leader will hand pick a few minority candidates who do not represent the community. It is critical to engage in both top-down and bottom-up with a philosophy that diverse views are beneficial to the whole of society. Representation is the greatest catalyst to inclusive policy making and achieving change in politics and society. Who should occupy which positions is the great employment question. If people are excluded from that question, can we say our government is truly democratic? If people are in their bubble and always meet the same people, then it is easier to discriminate. At times, even without thinking that you are discriminating because you are unaware. Civic engagement is about making people feel empowered, knowing that through their voice and actions that can make a difference in their communities and the wider world. Increasing civic participation is about working with people demonstrating how they can be change makers in their society. A campaign called GetInvolved, teaching underrepresented young people  in the U.K. why politics matters. One of the missions on the GetInvolved programme is to highlight to young people the importance of being politically active and how they can partake. Following training, the program paired participants with political representatives in their area so they could put new skills into practice. The results were staggering. In addition to graduates working in cabinet, cityhalls, parliament, and standing as candidates, we have proudly produced 5000 new activists while also successfully registering thousands of new voters. Civic education is one key to reversing a mindset of disempowerment. Developing and sharing on pertinent issues and the impact they have helps give people the impulse to be politically active. Civic engagement is not taught enough in our schools. How can we hope to achieve inclusion when we do not have the same access to political life and then do not receive information on how to contribute effectivelly in our political system. Online tools and social media provide powerful mechanisms for the public to participate in political action and share information concerning politics, elections, and major issues facing their communities. This only works if everybody is able to fully participate without fear of being attacked, and if the information is reliable. By their nature, tools like Twitter and Facebook allow conversations to happen instantaneously across borders and divides that have historically created challenges to organizing. Social media has become an essential component of public debate. However, harassment and discrimination has become a feature of many of the major platforms. Efforts to combat these hateful activities include direct support for targets of attacks through organizations like TrollBusters and policy proposals to address the systemic issues of platform governance. 

220th Birthday of Victor Hugo - Part II

                        The tribute to Victor Hugo goes on today. He with his writings tried to show us the evil of indifference. The urgently necessity of the people become more aware about their rights and the importance of justice to everyone, not only for those directly involved. This post is a summary of three articles. The first was published at   https://academic.oup.com/fs/article/63/1/66/538448. The second was published at   https://digitalcommons.liberty.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1572&context=honors. The third was published at  https://www.penguinrandomhouse.com/books/326583/les-miserables-by-victor-hugo/9781598876994/readers-guide/

                   Navigating the sheer magnitude of a phenomenon whose name adorns a street in every corner of France is a daunting prospect for any scholar. Claude Millet articulated concerns that Hugo's name had been repeatedly exploited at both ends of the political spectrum. Millet argued that Hugo's own oscillations back and forth between conservatism and liberalism had woven him into the very fabric of modern France's unstable political evolution. Hugo's moral resilience quickly became an emblem of a lost political integrity. On both left and right, Hugo could serve as a figure of reassurance, compensating for the perceived erosion of republican values. Unlike other literary luminaries such as Johann von Goethe or Voltaire whose place in history is more consensual, Hugo stood as both the state's greatest advocate and its most formidable opponent. Such ambivalence at a time of deep political anxiety greatly sharpened the focus on the myths and fervours surrounding Hugo, diverting attention away from his actual work. What has emerged with Hugo is a complicated sense of self that anticipates modernism's multiplicity. A figure of contrasts as opposed to simple contradictions.                                                                                                                                                                                                                    Hugo's solution to poverty was simple: education. He stressed the importance of education in Les Miserables by listing wet nurses and school teachers, the two professions most directly involved in educating the youth of France. Education not only alleviated poverty, but in Hugo's estimation, eradicated crime. Once again, Hugo's calls for education were timely. In 1851 only 51% of children in France between 5 and 14 attended school. By 1886 that number had increased to 68%, but still fell far short of Hugo's standards. He predicted that the need for "universal education" would soon be considered an absolute truth. An educated public was a prerequisite for the republican society. The effects of Les Miserables were soon felt within the government. The new awareness of the social issues depicted within Les Miserables caused the 1862 session of parliament to place prison reform, orphan care, education, and care for exploited women on the agenda. Due to the influence of his writings in exile, Victor Hugo became the symbolic leader of French republicanism. Hugo's passionate pleas for bourgeois compassion on social issues had also taken root among this "new middle class." Historian Katherine Auspitz argues that the republicans who founded the Third Republic believed that the regime would only be successful if, "peasants, workers, and women, as well as bourgeois men believed themselves to be heirs of 1789. Hugo's self-image as the embodiment of French Republicanism was accurate. From the time of his exile in 1851 to his return in 1870 he tirelessly championed the cause of republicanism in his writings.                                                                                                                                                      Twenty years in the conception and execution, Les Miserables was first published in france and Belgium in 1862. True to Hugo's political stance, he had written a book about the people that was for the people, a book that demanded a change in society's judgement of its citizens. The Revolution and Republic of France had failed to redress the social conditions in which many French citizens languished. Les Miserables became an expression of and an inspiration for that attempt. The poor and the disenfranchised understood Hugo's message, accepted the affirmation he gave them. and worshipped him as their spokesman. The struggling people of France had found an articulate illustration of the unjust forces arrayed against them. Hugo's gift to the people affirms that every citizen is important to the health of the nation and emphasizes how that fact gives each individual responsibility for the conditions we all share. He illustrate a system of injustice, but in that same sphere, a single gesture of kindness redeems the world. He shows us a civilization based on self-interest and profit, but in one generous act the possibilities of a better world become manifest. Les Miserables is one of history's greatest manifest of hope for humankind. The immense popularity of this story has not diminished over time. Why does this story continue to charm and inspire audiences and readers? In our time, as there was in Hugo's, greed and violence undermine true progress; human life is rendered meaningless through materialism and nihilism; children the world over suffer neglect and ignorance. Hugo illustrate how the most profound revolution takes place in our individual consciences. Les Miserables incites us to make the best fight of our lives, the fight to become authentically good people and gives us hope that our efforts will not be in vain. Time can not change the necessity or urgency of that message, only people can.