Data Privacy Day - 2023

                                       Yesterday, 28th January, all over the world was celebrated one of the most basic and important human right, the right to privacy.  All over the world they understand the importance of privacy to a dignified life, to autonomy, to security, to a life without harm, bullying, huge stress, unjustified annoying, drag and intrusive situation.   We must all fight for this right, because with its violation many others rights are also violated. If you want to have an idea about its importance, imagine your life without your privacy. All dimensions of a person's life is harmed, his relationships, his employability, his socialization, his entrepreneurship, his health, his anonymity,  there is not one aspect of the person that is not affected. And it is not only the individual that suffers, the trust in the institutions are also damaged.  One more reason we need combat the privacy violations, the violators could think that they are able to do more and more. This is why can not have impunity in so serious violations. Everybody should understand why we all need to fight against violations of human rights. And when they happen, we all must fight for justice, it is meaning reparation to the victims. If you saw a privacy's violation, record it, and be a witness. The justice needs all of us. This post is a summary of three articles. The first was published at   https://live.worldbank.org/events/world-bank-data-privacy-day-2023. The second was published at https://www.acronis.com/en-us/blog/posts/data-privacy-day-january-28-2023/. The third was published at https://www.dsci.in/content/data-privacy-day/2023

                    In today's era of rapid digitalization and compounding crises, what data privacy and trends have emerged, and what best international practices to follow to use personal data responsibly? Data Privacy Day is an international effort that takes place annually on January 28 to create awareness about the importance of respecting privacy, safeguarding data and enabling trust. In this fourth annual Data Privacy Day event organized by the World Bank, seasoned data protection and privacy leaders and experts deep dive into the latest trends and offer insights into how development institutions, governments, and the private sector can play a critical role in addressing privacy risks. "A culture of privacy is one that respects data and those to whom it relates," said Vivienne Artz, Privacy Policy advisor of Center for Information Policy Leadership.                                                                                                                                                                     Do you really know how your personal information is being collected, shared, and used or misused on the internet? While there is a growing awareness that we need to keep our data private in the U.S., according to a May 2022 Ipsos survey, 84% of Americans say that they are at least somewhat concerned about the safety and privacy of the personal data that they provide on the internet, many people still understimate how valuable their personal data is. Data Privacy Day was established in 2008 to commemorate the first legally binding international treaty regarding privacy and data protection. Data privacy involves complying while handling sensitive data through consent, notice and regulatory obligations, while being transparent about how data is shared with third parties and how data is legally collected and stored. While personal data can provide businesses with insight into their customers' buying habits, it also provides cybercriminals with the tools needed to commit identity theft, fraud and other crimes. Data privacy is also critical to organizations looking to protect their proprietary reserach and business critical data. Threats to data privacy are ubiquitous nowadays, and everyone should be aware of them. However, it may be deemed especially critical for companies regularly handling and storing customer data. In the last 10 years, we have seen countless companies lose the trust of their customers after falling victim to data breaches. From Yahoo to Target, each of these companies has experienced devastating backlash from careless mismanagement of personal data, resulting on millions of dollars in damages. In July 2022, the American Data Privacy and Protection Act was working its way through the U.S. House of Representatives. It is an omnibus federal privacy bill that, if inacted, could dramatically increase oversight of how companies use artificial intelligence in their businesses. These regulations all speak to a heightened awareness by consumers about the necessity to protect their data. Because according to a 2022 report by LXA: 81% of respondents feel as if they have little or no control over the data collected and 93% of Americans considered it important to be able to control who could access their personal data. Looking to 2023 and beyond, a leading strategy in private data security has emerged in the form of comprehensive cyber protection, which helps businesses and individuals in their efforts to become Cyberfit, which in turn will make them resilient in various attempts to compromise their data privacy. Today's Data Privacy Day serves as an opportunity for us to emphasize the importance of data privacy and the need for transparency in how data is stored and protected. It is a moment for us to reevaluate how we have been collecting, sharing, and using data, and find new, better pathways towards keeping that valuable data from being exploited, misused or lost.                                                                                                                   January 28 is celebrated as Data Privacy Day across the world. The objective of the day is to sensitize individuals and disseminate privacy practices and principles. It encourages everyone to own their privacy responsibilities to create a culture of privacy. The theme for this year is "Think Privacy First". In this digital age, it is pragmatic to prioritize data privacy, both for individuals and businesses. We, as a society, collectively must become more conscious of privacy to enable trust and evangelize best practices, now is the time to think privacy first. 2022 was a noteworthy year on the overall timeline for Data Privacy developments as it witnessed concerned efforts, initiatives, and interventions world over, aimed at creating a robust and comprehensive ecosystem that enables data-driven innovation on one hand and steps up to safeguard the interests of individuals on the other. Busineeses have been proactively reevaluating their data strategies to create original possibilities of servicing customers as well as meet the privacy expectations of consumers, and regulatory authorities. The Data Privacy regulators are keenly focused on driving meaningful compliance and enforcement of the legislations. Looking at the global Data Privacy regulatory, the California Privacy Rights Act, is believed to be the most comprehensive state data privacy legislation to date in the U.S. went into effect at the start of this year. A bill yo update Argentina's old data protection law was published by Argentina in November last year. Australia, Canada and South Korea are poised to review and revise their existing Data Protection laws. India's journey towards its first Data Privacy legislation continues. The draft Digital Personal Data Protection Bill 2022 was released by the government which is expected to be introduced in the parliament shortly. The entire ecosystem came together to critically examine the draft and provide inputs to the government. Technology business in India are stepping up their preparedness and making privacy and consumer trust central to their digital strategy. The privacy profession has been undergoing a lot of flux as the demand for skilled privacy professionals continues to rise at all levels. The role of a data protection officer has assumed a lot of significance as organizations are mobilizing efforts towards strengthening their privacy leadership positions. 

The Economics of Populism is Falling in Latin America

              Again I am writing about the lost, past decade in Latin America. Many things in the world become a widespread consensus, such as: the urgent necessity of Latin America to invest more in education and to improve its infrastructure, laws, R&D, etc, in order to grow again and create jobs and development. Another worldwide consensus is the support for my candidacy. Again I'd like to thank you all for this support and encouragement to the next election, because last year despite all the worldwide support I had only 34 votes. Another consensus is the urgent necessity of Latin America to increase the trust of its population in the democratic institutions, including institutions of the electoral systems, because if not the support for democracy can lower and it is not what the majority of the Latin American population wants, so instead only put the blame on the party you do not like or in some powerful person in those institutions, try to change what you think is wrong, become an activist, and try being a candidate in the next elections, but remember always to respect the human rights and fight for more democracy. Do not let anybody to intimidate you, read about politics, democracy, human rights and anything else you think it is important to a better country. And do not discourage if you have few votes. This post is a summary of two articles. The first was published with the title above in April 2021 at   https://www.chathamhouse.org/2021/04/economics-populism-failing-latin-america. The second was published in November 2022 at https://www.ft.com/content/5c50cfec-6f07-46ed-8990-3c91fc3a34ad

                The spectre of populism, both of the left and right variety, has hung over Latin America politics and economics since the 19th century but, for the last two decades, a new wave of populist leaders has developed as a result of ongoing economic dislocation and popular anger at the political class. For many countries in the region the effect of COVID-19 on economic growth and social mobility casts a dark shadow. Even before the pandemic, conditions were fertile for the rise of populist leaders such as Hugo Chavez in Venezuela, Brazil's Jair Bolsonaro and Mexico's Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador all rode a wave of social distrust as established party systems collapsed in their countries. Latin America were already flatlining prior to COVID-19 as, according to the IMF, their average growth was only 1% in 2018 and 0% in 2019. Such low rates are insufficient to sustain gains in social mobility from the early 2000s when, due to Chinese demand, the region grew on average by 5% from 2004 to 2007, and more than 50 million people joined a fragile middle class. The ECLAC estimates that more than 20 million people in the region joining the ranks of the poor from 2018 to 2020, and those in poverty now making up more than 33% of the population. Added to these dismal numbers and the long-term scarring from this past year that more than 53% of the region workforce labours away in the informal economy. Running in parallel to these economic dire straits, but only in part caused by them, are troubling increasing popular distrust to the state among Latin America's electorate. There is a lack of trust in the institutions of government and democracy. According to the same surveys before the pandemic struck, only 39.4% in 18 Latin America countries trusted their national parliament, only 45.5% trusted their elections and a measly 28.2 had confidence in their political parties. These conditions have created fertile ground for the collapse of traditional political parties and the arrival of outsider candidates. Despite such different fiscal and monetary policies, what populist leaders do share is likely to spell economic trouble in the medium and long-term because, irrespective of economic orientation, all tend to have little tolerance for checks on executive power including the independence of monetary policy, regulatory bodies and independent or semi-independent parastatals. Importantly, the economic policies characterizing populists in Latin America are more subtle and less ideologically obvious than others but still deserve close consideration and scrutiny given how they will impact  growth in the region.                                             Weak investment, low productivity and inadequate education have condemned Latin America to a period of economic failure even worse than the "lost decade" of the 1980s, according to the top U.N. economic official in the region. The stagnation of the past decade contrasted not only with the 5.9% annual growth of the 1970s, but also the 2% achieved in the 1980s, a decade characterised by a wave of debt crises. José Manuel Salazar Xirinachs, new head of the ECLAC, said to FT from ECLAC's base in Chile, also called on the region's three newest leftwing leaders to prioritise growth. Brazil, Colombia e Chile have all elected leftwing presidents. "In general the progressives in Latin America have been preocupied with distribution but not with wealth creation", said the Costa Rican economist. "We need both and they go hand in hand." Latin America has grown more slowly than almost any other part of the world over the past decade. "The underperformance was due to a lack of investment and poor education, both of which had hurt productivity. We are investing too little in infrastructure and we have an education system which is not delivering the talent we need in terms of numbers and quality," he said. ECLAC, has been wedded to "dependency theory", the idea that raw material producers are trapped in an unfair global economic system that prevents them from moving up the value chain and has in the past advocated state-led industrialisation as a response. This meant harnessing public and private money to develop high value-added goods and tech-enabled services in sectors such as medical devices, electric vehicles, green energy and pharmaceuticals. This was best achieved by creating "clusters" close to universities and research institutes. Salazar Xirinachs said Spain's Basque region had successfully used the model but it had been used only sporadically in Latin America, for example in the Bogotá region of Colombia or in the automotive sector in Mexico. "It needs to become a more coherent policy and to leave to one side those debates about whether it is the state or the market. What is good about the clusters focus is that it is a very pragmatic way to collaborate." he said. Other priorities include improving the efficiency of government spending, making tax system more progressive and increasing the supply of trained mid-level technicians, engineers and managers. The region has been very weak in technical capabilities. Latin American countries trade less with each other than any other region, with their economies geared instead to export raw materials to the U.S., Europe and China. Salazar Xirinachs wants to see a greater focus on practical measures to facilitate inter-region trade, rather than the grand political declarations that have characterised past efforts at their integration. "In the past, regional integration was seen as an alternative to insertion in the world economy, Now it is clear that it is more complementary. For Latin America to successfully become part of the world value chains, it needs regional chains of production," he adds. 

International Anti-Corruption Day - 2022

             A little more than one month ago, precisely on 9th December, the whole world celebrated the importance to fight corruption. The public money must be very well used, so that we can have better schools, better hospitals, better security, better streets and roads, better jobs, greater development, less inequality, less injustice. So a better functional government and consequently a better country for all. The fight against corruption is very important,  so we all should be involved in this fight, because the theft of public resources harm us all. But we all should know that this fight is not easy, because activists for this important ethical cause can become a target at some powerful persons, the people should not be naive, there are many people that are not interested in this activism, in this fight. It is very important help the anti-corruption activists.  This post is a summary of three articles. The first was published at https://www.unodc.org/unodc/en/anticorruptionday/index.html. The second was published at  https://www.un.org/en/observances/anti-corruption-day. The third was published at  https://www.transparency.org/en/news/international-anti-corruption-day-2022-stop-kleptocrats-protect-common-good

               The 2022 International Anti-Corruption Day (IACD) seeks to hightlight the crucial link between anti-corruption and peace, security, and development. At its core is the notion that tackling this crime is the right and responsibility of everyone, and that only through cooperation and the involvement of each and every person and institution can we overcome the impact of this crime. States, government officials, civil servants, law enforcement officers, media representatives, the private sector, civil society, academia, and  the public alike all have a role to play in this. The 2022 IACD also marks the start of our efforts to mark the twentieth anniversary of UNCAC. This is reflected by the theme of this year's, "UNCAC at 20: Uniting the World Against Corruption". Over 2023 together with partners worldwide, we will be reflecting on a world made better thanks to the Convention and, crucially, what gaps remain to ensure this is a truly strong mechanism for the years ahead.                                                                                                                                                                                  The world today faces some of its greatest challenges in many generations, challenges which threaten prosperity and stability for people across the globe. The plague of corruption is intertwined in most of them. Corruption has negative impacts on every aspect of society and is profoundly intertwined with conflict and instability jeopardizing social and economic development and undermining democratic institutions and the rule of law. Corruption fuels conflict and inhibits peace by undermining the rule of law, worsening poverty, facilitating the illicit use of resources, and providing financing for armed conflict. Preventing corruption, promoting transparency and strengthening institutions is crucial if the targets foreseen in the Sustainable Development Goals are to be met. The 2022 IACD seeks to highlight the crucial link between anti-corruption and peace, security, and development. Corruption is a complex political and economic phenomenon that affects all countries. Corruption attacks the foundation of democratic institutions by distorting electoral processes, and creating bureaucratic quagmires whose only reason for existing is the soliciting of bribes. On 31 October 2003, the General Assembly adopted the U.N. Convention against Corruption, since then states have committed to the Convention's anti-corruption obligations, showing near-universal recognition of the importance of good governance, accountability, and political commitment.                                                                                                                                                                  It's International Anti-Corruption Day, an occasion for our societies to recommit to the cause. In a year like this, when the world has seen vivid depictions of the most extreme ways that unchecked corruption can upend lives and livelihoods, we need everyone, from governments ro civil society to businesses, to join the fight. At this opportune moment, the ever-growing global community of anti-corruption champions, frontline fighters, partners and allies came together this week to exchange evidence, ideas and strategies. By all accounts, 2022 has been a turbulent year. It has also been a year when the international community finally recognised the dangers of cross-border corruption and paid attention to our calls even coming around to some key solutions to counter it. Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February triggered a global awakening on the urgent need to counter kleptocratic advace. While long overdue, leading democracies have now committed to denying safe haven to kleptocratic assets and launched new channels for international cooperation. Some also accelerated key reforms, but much more is needed to end western complicity in transnational corruption. The momentum needs to cacht on beyond the west as well. This year, the G20, which brings together some of the largest economies, has failed to advance the anti-corruption agenda in any meaningful way, giving kleptocrats a free pass. Corruption is a lived reality for people in far too many places, and the concern that kleptocracy threatens everything from sustainable development to global security is shared across the world. Transparency International calls on leaders to stop kleptocrats and protect the common good in three main ways:  1) Proactive Transparency - Thanks to sustained civil society efforts, now there is a global consensus that criminals and the corrupt should not be allowed to abuse corporate secrecy to mask their ownership of ill-gotten wealth. In March, our efforts helped establish a new global standard on company ownership transparency, which now requires that every country set up a centralised beneficial ownership register. This is a game-changer.  However, the beneficial ownership transparency agenda suffered a serious blow in November, when the E.U.'s highest court invalidated the anti-money laundering provision guaranteeing public access to such registers.  2) Accountability for Kleptocrats - To effectively deter kleptocrats, whether from Russia or anywhere else, governments need to deny safe haven to them and their money. In June, we were pleased to see that the G7 leaders's communique recognised the need to increase accountability for kleptocracy, and that they are open to exploring additional measures for improving their frameworks and scaling up the effort.  3) Defending the Defenders - Independent civil society and free media are the world's best defence against kleptocracy. And yet, anti-corruption civic space continues to take serious hits around the world. In Russia, the executive director of our chapter was designated as a "foreign agent". From Georgia to Guatemala to Madagascar, unscrupulous actors have retaliated against those who have bravely exposed and confronted corruption. In December 2021, the U.N. Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders issued a report that documents cases of threats, violence, harassment and persecution against anti-corruption activists. Many perpetrators have acted with impunity, according to the study. Yet the report also highlights how, against all odds, frontline anti-corruption fighters have been driving anti-corruption change. Given their contribution to advancing human rights, the U.N. Special Rapporteur has also made the case for the protection frameworks applicable to human rights defenders also applying to anti-corruption activists. In a powerful show of solidarity, over 80 organisations and individuals have today called on governments to end reprisals against anti-corruption activists and extend them protections as human rights defenders.

Reclaiming Human Rights in a Changing World Order - Part II

             This week we carry on with the book from last week. Last week I said that this book is from 2022, but must be from the end of 2022, because the correct date is 2023, as you can see if you access the book in its link. I know that has been difficult times to advocate for democracy and human rights, but we can not give up because I've been defending principles and values worth fight for. They are very important for humankind and the people of the world needs more persons to defend them, join us now, become a global human rights defender and help the justice to happen around the world. This summary is the book with the title above published at  https://www.chathamhouse.org/sites/default/files/2022-10/2022-10-10-reclaiming-human-rights-changing-world-order.pdf

              The problem of impunity, the lack of accountability, when human rights violations go unpunished and victims are left without remedy is a serious threat to the human rights system. Given the foundational idea that those who violate human rights must be held responsible and that victims have a right to remedy, various national, regional and international mechanisms have been created to ensure such accountability. Nevertheless, some perpetrators of human rights violations still go unpunished and victims are left without remedies. In the inaugural speech of the sessions of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) in 1960, its president, Romulo Gallegos, made a declaration:"There is a thirst for justice in various parts of the American continent. It is suffered by conscious people, possessors of the inviolable right to obtain material and spiritual well-being. And our Commission, obedient to the purpose of protecting and defending the rights of human dignity, can not be destined to fail." Right from the start, the IACHR had to deal with a very complex political reality in Latin America. The pendulum constantly swung between democracy and human rights on one side, and military dictatorships and authoritarian leaders on the other. By the end of the 1960s, fifteen of the twenty-one Latin America countries were ruled by military governments. Very early on, the IACHR received thousands of complaints from individuals across Latin America who claimed their rights had been violated. The individual petition system was used then more as thermometer to assess the human rights situation than a strict legal proceeding. And it also served as a warning to the governments that the international community was observing the human rights situation in their countries. However, over the next decades, two main factors would strengthen the IACHR's judicial role: the establishment of the Inter-American Court in 1978, and the return to democracy in most Latin American countries during the 1980s. The rise of China and the reassertion of Russian activism against the West are recasting the international balance of power. In human rights terms this has meant greater emphasis on social rights. China's success in reducing poverty has amplified its global soft power as a model of economic development. Beijing has explicitly sought economic and political alliances with states that shared its rejection of democratic norms. As the balance of international political power has changed since the 1990s in ways that shape the future of human rights protections, so too has technology. Tech is now a threat to the human rights order. The capacity of the international human rights system to respond requires an upgrade not just of the international institutions to monitor and evaluate these threats, but also of human rights groups and activists and their capacity to understand, track, and report their implications to international bodies and to the broader public. Gerald Neuman argues that the rise of exclusionary populism across the globe is threatening the integrity of human rights norms and bodies. Exclusionary populism denies the legitimacy of any opposition and undermines institutional checks and balances. These challenges have been felt and have torn regional human rights systems. The complex machinations of Russia, China, the Gulf states, and Turkey in Africa can contribute to greater instability, as in Libya, making it nearly impossible to guarantee human rights. Taken together, the trends and factors analyzed in the book are eroding the basic foundation of human rights. Our aim is to kick-start a wide-ranging dialogue among scholars, policymakers, and activists on how to confront these challenges and strengthen the fraying consensus. Multilateral institutions need to be updated to focuys on these threats and find ways to generate sustainable funding. The protection of human rights, more than ever, has become a domestic political messaging problem as well as an international challenge. The fundamental consensus around human rights and democracy based on imperfect international cooperation in the post- cold war era is evaporating. This change has gone hand in hand with growing authoritarianism, often by democratically elected leaders with a varying popular mandate, who have become a new breed of human rights abusers. These regimes are not military officers or outright dictators of the past, but elected governments that gradually undermine checks and balances and the rule of law to clamp down on critical voices. These elected authoritarians pose new challenges to human rights. Their ideological range is broad, and include presidents Nayib Bukele in El Salvador, Rodrigo Duterte in the Philippines, Vladimir Putin in Russia, Erdogan in Turkey, and Maduro in Venezuela as well as prime minister Narendra Modi in India and Viktor Orban in Hungary. How should the international community and local civil society respond when voters themselves back antidemocratic and rights-abusing leaders? One starting point is to recognize signals an elected government's potential slide into authoritarianism. These tactics must be recognized and challenged to discourage would-be authoritarian governments from emulating one another. In the light of these challenges and the analyses in the preceding chapters, we present several ideas and suggestions that heads of state, multilateral institutions, and activists should pursue. 1) Update and expand international institutions to identify and react to threats to human rights stemming from elected autocrats.  2) Focus on renewing countries' democratic social fabric and popular understanding of human rights.  3) Understand and respond to economic insecurity stemming from globalization, the changing nature of work, and imperfect social safety nets.  4) Engage a broad segment of civil society, including a diversity of religious group, in foreign policy and human rights policy.   5) Recommit to a broad human rights agenda among liberal democracies, including in non-Western countries.   6) Improve the capacity to monitor and punish states and business promoting or selling technology that violates human rights.  7) Ensure greater technology awareness among human rights bodies, norms and activists. Privacy concerns and surveillance will become increasingly pressing problems in the field of human rights.  8) Ensure that multilateral organizations and human rights groups, reflect global diversity.   9) Explore existing and potentially new platforms to more effectively challenge and mobilize action on human rights abusers.  10) Upgrade, reform and protect international and regional human rights bodies.   11) Strengthen international solidarity in defense of human rights.   12) Be honest about the challenges today and the need for an upgrade.   13) Consider whether it is time for a new Convention on Human Rights. A global forum led by liberal democracies could be an important step in evaluating and restoring the international human rights regime in a complex and contentious world. It would open up a global discussion on the success of the human rights experiment started seventy-five years ago and on ways to help it evolve and thrive in the future.

Reclaiming Human Rights in a Changing World Order

                 This post is a summary of the book with the title above published in 2022 at   https://www.chathamhouse.org/sites/default/files/2022-10/2022-10-10-reclaiming-human-rights-changing-world-order.pdf

                 Increasingly, democratic governments, including the original architects of the liberal system have become enablers in the dissipation of the protections of human rights. This book build on both the theoretical and day-to-day causes of weakening human rights commitments and practice to produce original policy recommendations to policymakers, activists, and academics for future action and research. The recommendations highlight the multidimensionality of the challenges and the responsibilities of stakeholders to rise to them. This book seeks to provide actionable proposals. They include the reframing of competition among global powers; reforming of the multilateral system; and adapting public debates to the threats of populist nationalism. We need look no further than the recent developments in Europe to understand both the relevance and urgency of this book. As we go to print, thousands of innocent lives are being lost in Ukraine. The invasion provide a clear example of what happens when a leader believes he is unconstrained by any political checks, independent media, or civil society. What lies at the core of the definition of human rights in a liberal democracy is the right and the ability for individuals to lead a life of liberty and opportunity, without abuse by the powerful or dominance by the majority. It is the job of government to provide the institutional framework and policies to deliver these human rights for their citizens. As this book reveals and explains, the tide has now turned for three reasons. First, the rise of China under the Communist Party of China (CPC) has offered an alternative path to politicians around the world. The CPC is offering a model that others may try to emulate. And it is incentivising others to prioritize political and economic control by offering large amounts of aid and investment to governments around the world. Unfortunately, corrupt politicians like Robert Mugabe in Zimbabwe and Najib Razak in Malaysia used Chinese financing to help entrench their political power while undermining human rights in the process. Second, technological advances have facilitated these efforts to centralize political control, with China again both leading the way and facilitating others. The fact is, whether autocratic leaders fail or succeed in delivering economic progress is not the point; their priority is always the same: not to relinquish power. Third, since the mid 2000s, the upholders of the U.N. Declaration of H.R. have become ambivalent about supporting the principles they had previously championed. Russia's invasion of Ukraine hsd reunited the liberal democracies in the defense of their political systems, as well as their sovereignty.  The deepening divide between these two systems is eroding the operating of multilateral institutions, not only the political ones, such as the U.N's Security Council and Human Rights Council, but also the economic ones, such as World Trade Organization. Globally the threats to the international rights regime today are multiple and complex. These threats to the rights framework are emerging from three new directions: increased geopolitical competition with new powers whose views are at odds with human rights obligations, the rise of xenophobic and populist movements, and the spread of surveillance technologies. More than simply challenging individual norms and institutions, these factors are undermining the consensus that developed around human rights since 1945. Despite the success and enduring popular commitment to human rights, the infrastructure of rules, processes, and institutions, and efforts to apply these norms in world affairs and domestic law and policy have eroded in recent years. Thirty years on from the World Conference on Human Rights in Vienna, the consensus around human rights has frayed. President Biden came into office promising to do all in his power to repair damages on the human rights regime. The new administration pledged to reinstate U.S. support for multilateralist approaches and institutions and to repair human rights defeciencies at home. The Secretary of State Antony Blinken remarked that he would place democracy and human rights at the center of its foreign policy. Putin's domestic political rhetoric has capitalized on this wounded national pride and nursed it with a romanticized narrative of the Soviet legacy. He has repressed domestic opposition instead of purging corruption. Russia has turned into a Kleptocracy within which an anticorruption activist such as Navalny was able to become an international figure challenging Putin's regime. In January 2021, over 200,000 protesters gathered across Russia, to demand the release of opposition politician Navalny. Borrowing from the Soviet era, Russia has also instrumentalized laws to restrict opposing voices and democratic participation in politics. Media and academic freedoms have also been severely curtailed during Putin's regime, and strict regulations have been imposed on internet service providers and social media. It is no secret that, over the last decade, Beijing and Moscow have become more vocal in their questioning of the value of democracy and political rights. They are now emboldened geopolitically and actively seek to undermine democracy as part of their challenge to U.S. global leadership and the normative fabric of the international order. Internationally, China and Russia have promoted new counternorms that oppose universal rights by invoking sovereignty and security, the notion of civilizational diversity, and the importance of traditional values. Advocates and policymakers have been slow to recognize the sustained challenge that this counterordering entails. It is a challenge that will not simple fizzle out or depend on which country gains the upper hand in this era of renewed great power competition. Rather, advocates of human rights regime will have to step up and confront large swaths of illiberal order, now ensconced in the fabric of global governance, that were previously neglected or just diplomatically ignored. A world in which we can no longer assume that networks of global governance will function to suport human rights requires some bold action on behalf of governments, human rights defenders, and foundations. I propose four approaches: 1) Pursue comprehensive engagement with new regional bodies.  2) Be prepared to pick sides domestically.  3) Human rights donors should rescale globally.  4) Reforming the U.N. Human Rights Council. Western governments are paying increased attention to the ethical and human rights implications of emerging technologies. In their 2021 Digital and Technology Ministerial Declaration, the G7 member countries created the "Framework for Collaboration on Digital Technical Standards." The framework referred to internet protocols and standards for technologies as areas that "could affect values as open and democratic societies." This attention appears directly linked to a set of proposals that China submitted for the Standardization Unit of the International Telecommunications Union (ITU), the U.N. agency tasked with overseeing international cooperation in the telecom sector. The development of New IP has not happenned in isolation. China's intent to become a "tech superpower" has lead the country to invest heavily in smart tech, including 5G, big data, and cloud computing. While the economic incentives behind standards-setting efforts are clear, Chinese tech also represent a means to export Chinese cybernorms. Weak privacy protections, disregard for anonymity, and tolerance for surveillance are the distinctive features. In countries where Chinese equipment is already installed, deployment of New IP may only require software updates. Similarly, Russia is challenging the existing procedures to manage the internet globally. Surveillance is only permissible if it is limited in scope and duration, targeted, and subject to independent authorization and oversight. According to U.N. human rights council arbitrary surveillance, interception of communications, and collection of personal data are all violations of the right to privacy. The erosion of mechanisms that help protect anonymity could have a significant negative impact on dissidents, human rights defenders, journalists, and activists, all of whom rely on these tools to communicate freely. It would also jeopardize all internet users by rendering them vulnerable to state interference. New IP's surveillance capabilities would not only have an impact on individuals' right to privacy, but would also interfere with other civil and political rights that are essential for democratic societies.