World Press Freedom Day 2019

               This post is a summary of three articles. The first was published at  https://www.un.org/en/events/pressfreedomday/.  The second was published on May 1, 2019 at  https://www.forbes.com/sites/ewelinaochab/2019/05/01/for-the-world-press-freedom-day-and-beyond-defend-media-freedom/#6144a37d5b9e. The third was published in September 2018 at  https://rsf.org/en/news/brazils-protection-human-rights-defenders-extended-journalists-0

              The 26th celebration of World Press Freedom Day (WPFD) is jointly organized by UNESCO, the African Union Commission and the government of Ethiopia. This year's theme "Media for Democracy: Journalism and Elections in Times of Disinformation," discusses current challenges faced by media in elections, along with the media's potential in supporting  reconciliation processes.

             The theme for this year's "Media for Democracy: Journalism and Elections in Times of Disinformation." The concept note for the celebration states: "Today, the contribution of free, pluralistic, independent journalism to democracy is under unprecedent stress. Also, election outcomes and their aftermath are critically affected by political discourse and communications, including the role of the media in relation to the polling process. Many societies have falling trust in established political parties and in news outlets themselves. This is often accompanied by polarizing political discourse that theatens peaceful elections as well as press freedom." Ensuring the safety of journalists is the primary way by which we can foster the independence and freedom of the press, as crucial for democracy. Such a goal is also vital to ensure public access to information. And indeed the threat is real. According to the International Federation of Journalists, in 2018 alone, at least 94 journalists were killed. The most dangerous countries for journalists in 2018 were Afghanistan with 16 fatalities and Mexico with 11, Followed by Yemen with 9, Syria with 8 and India with 7. The data, presented by Reporters Without Borders (RSF), identifies slightly lower numbers of fatalities at 80. The RSF report further confirms that three journalists were reported missing, 60 held hostage and 348 detained. Despite the difference in figures, both agree that 2018 witnessed an increase in such fatalities and the level of threat to journalists. The serious threat to journalists' safety is characteristic of conflict areas. However, the mentioned reports feature many countries without reputations for active armed conflicts. Places like Mexico, U.S. or India. In the U.S. for example, four journalists employed by the Capital Gazette in Annapolis, Maryland were killed on June 28th, 2018, when a man walked in and opened fire. Recent years have shown that even strong and stable European countries do not escape violence against journalists. For example, in October 2017, Daphne Galizia, a Maltese journalist exposing government corruption by Maltese politicians was murdered in a car bomb attack. 19 months later, investigators are still no closer to expose those responsible for the act. In February 2018, Slovak investigative journalist Ján Kuciak, who had been investigating corruption allegations linking Slovak Businessman and politicians to Italian organized crime, was murdered alongside his fiancée Martina Kusnirova. Investigative journalism on the subject of corruption also calimed the life of Bulgarian journalist Victoria Marinova in October 2018. Aside from concerning fatality rates, it is crucial to emphasize the high numbers of journalists being detained because of their work. According to RSF, in 2017, more than half of the world's imprisoned journalists are being held in just five countries: China, Egypt, Turkey, Saudi Arabia and Iran. To respond to some of the identified challenges, only a few weeks before the World Press Freedom Day, British Foreign Secretary Jeremy Hunt and Canadian Foreign Minister Chrystia Freeland launched a joint initiative "Defend Media Freedom" that aims to shine a spotlight on media abuse and address the trend of violence against journalists. On July 10-11, 2019, the U.K. and Canada will host the International Conference on Media Freedom to further the aims of the joint campaign. Another initiative that needs to be mentioned is TrialWatch launched by the Clooney Foundation for Justice in cooperation with the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, Columbia Law School and Microsoft. Among others, the initiative will monitor trials of journalists around the world to ensurer that the judicial system is not used to silence journalists and curtail freedom of speech.

                  Reporters Without Borders (RSF) and other press freedom NGOs met this week in Brasilia with the staff of Brasil's mechanism for the protection of human rights defenders, which will now also be available to journalists in danger. RSF welcomes the decision to extend the range of those covered by the mechanism. It is intended to permanently reinforce the protection available to journalists and is fully justified by the violence to which many of them are exposed in Brazil. The protection provided by the mechanism, which was created in 2004 and is attached to the Ministry of Human Rights, was extended on 4 September 2018 to Comunicadores, a term that in Brazil covers not only staff journalists but also freelancers, non-professional journalists and bloggers. An expansiom of the mechanism's scope has long been one of RSF's main recommendations in Brazil and its realization now is the result of a rapprochement between the MDH and the press freedom groups in the National Human Rights Council. During the meeting in Brasilia on 10 September, RSF shared its experise, helped define the types of threats and the profile of victims, and assisted MDH staff, whose initial goal from now until the end of the year is to publicize the extension of the mechanism's protection. Exactly how it will be implemented and the criteria for determining who benefits in practice have yet to be determined.

GDP Growth 2018

               This post is a summary of the book with the title of,"World Economic Outlook -  Growth Slowdown, Precarious Recovery." Published in April 2019 at  https://www.imf.org/en/Publications/WEO/Issues/2019/03/28/world-economic-outlook-april-2019                               

               One year ago economic activity was accelerating in almost all regions of the world and global economy was projected to grow at 3.9% in 2018 and 2019. One year later, much has changed: the escalation of US-China trade tensions, macroeconomic stress in Argentina and Turkey, disruptions to the auto sector in Germany, tigher credit policies in China, and financial tightening policy in the larger advanced economies have all contributed to a significantly weakened global expansion, especially in the second half of 2018. With this weakness expected to persist into the first half of 2019, the WEO projects a decline in growth in 2019 for 70% of the global economy. Global growth, which peaked at close 4% in 2017, softened to 3.6% in 2018, and is projected to decline further to 3.3% in 2019. While 2019 started out on a weak footing, a pickup is supported by significant policy accomodation by major economies, made possible by the absence of inflationary pressure despite closing output gal. U.S. Federal Reserve, in response to rising global risks, paused interest rate increases and signaled no increases for the rest of the year. The European Central Bank, the Bank of Japan, and the Bank of England have all shifted to a more accomodative stance. These policy responses have helped reverse the tigtening of financial conditions to varying degrees across countries. Emerging markets have experienced a resumption in portfolio flows, a decline in sovereign borrowing costs, and a strengthening of their currencies relative to the dollar. In Latin America, growth is projected to recovery over the next two years, to 1.4% in 2019 and 2.4% in 2020. In Brazil, growth is projected to strengthen from 1.1% in 2018 to 2.1% in 2019 and 2.5% in 2020. For emerging markets and developing 4.8% over the medium term. The medium-term growth forecast for developing economies reflects important diferences across regions. In emerging Asia, growth is expected to remain above 6% through the forecast. In Brazil, the main priority is to contain rising public debt while ensuring that needed social spending remain intact. The spending cap introduced in 2016, which envisages a 0.5% 0f GDP a year improvement in the primary fiscal balance, is a step in the right direction towards facilitating fiscal consolidation. With inflation still close to target, monetary policy can stay accomodative to support aggregate demand as needed. Building on recent reforms to labor and subsidized credit markets, efforts to improve infrastructure and the efficiency of financial intermediation would help lift productivity and boost medium-term growth prospects. Below the GDP growth in 2018 from the greatest growth to the lowest of each list. The first list is for countries in the Americas and the other is for the rest of the world.

GDP 2018 in PanAmerican countries                                 Rest of the World

Bolivia   4.3%                                                                       Libya   17.9%          

Peru  4.0%                                                                           Ethiopia   7.7%

Chile   4.0%                                                                         Vietnam   7.1%

Panama   3.9%                                                                    India  7.1%

Paraguay   3.7%                                                                  China   6.6%

Honduras   3.7%                                                                   Ireland    6.6%

Guatemala   3.1%                                                                 New Zealand   3.0%

U.S.A.    2.9%                                                                      Australia    2.8%

Colombia   2.7%                                                                   South Korea   2.7%

Uruguay   2.1%                                                                    Spain   2.5%

Mexico   2.0%                                                                      Sweden   2.3%

Canada    1.8%                                                                    Portugal    2.1%

Ecuador    1.1%                                                                    Germany   1.5%

Brazil    1.1%                                                                        France    1.5% 

Argentina    -2.5%                                                                 U.K.   1.4%

Nicaragua   -4.0%                                                                 Italy   0.9%

Venezuela    -18%                                                                 Japan   0.8%

   

Countries That Care the Most About Human Rights - Sweden

              The third and last text about the countries that recognized the importance of human rights is a tribute to Sweden. This post is a summary of two articles. The first was published at    https://sweden.se/society/sweden-and-human-rights/. The second was published at   https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Human_rights_in_Sweden

              Sweden and human rights have a long history. In 1766, Sweden became the first country to introduce freedom of the press. Today, human rights are central to Swedish foreign policy. Sweden aspires to be a clear voice for human rights around the world, not just in words but also in actions. To the Sweden government, the respect of human rights is not just a foreign policy goal in itself, but also a means for global development and security. Human Rights largely begin at home. As Sweden strives to walk its talk, it is important to ensure that the values promoted abroad are upheld at home. Therefore, Sweden's promotional work on human rights centres mainly on areas where Sweden is at the forefront. For the period of 2017-2018, Sweden was a member of the U.N. Security Council, promoting international peace and security as well as the Swedish view on democracy, human rights, gender equality and development. In 2008, the Swedish government chose eight prioritised areas in its foreign policy work for human rights: 1) Build democracy - With millions of people still living in dictatorships, Sweden wants to strengthen public opinion in favour of democracy, support the work of NGOs and establish better ties with democratic states. 2) Strengthen freedom of expression - Sweden believes freedom of expression is a moral necessity and a practical tool in the fight for human rights. 3) Abolish the death penalty. 4) Combat torture. 5) Combat summary executions and arbitrary detention. 6) Protect the rule of law. 7) Protect human rights and international humanitarian law ) Sweden works actively with the goal that all states, large and small, should respect international law. 8) Fight discrimination - In many countries, large groups of people receive far from equal treatment. The Swedish government wants to direct special attention to the rights of women, children and people with disabilities.   Human rights must be embraced at grass-roots level. In Sweden, plenty of NGOs as well as individual activists are involved in the advancement of human rights. Among the Swedish organisations active both at home and abroad is Civil Rights Defenders. Which works to empower human rights activists at risk. Sweden works actively to reduce the digital gap in the world, to make sure that more people have internet access.. Sweden's stance is that access to the internet makes it possible for people to fully exercise their rights to freedom o expression and opinion. States have a responsibility to ensure that internet access is broadly available, and should not unreasonably restrict an individual's internet access. 

            Human rights in Sweden are largely protected in their constitution and ratified international law. Sweden regards itself as a global leader in protecting and advocating human rights. According to the Ministry of foreign affairs, their position on human rights is strongly linked to democracy and the rule of law. Sweden's protection of asylum seekers and refugees has historically been viewed as progressive and ambitious. They received the largest number of refugees and asylum seekers per capita among the countries in the OECD.

Countries That Care the Most About Human Rights - Canada

             It is important to know about the countries that are considered the most respectful about human rights. Brazil and many other countries can learn with them and put some of their policies in practice, but first of all, it must recognizes the importance of human rights to democracy, justice and citizenship. This post is a summary of two articles. The first was published at   https://international.gc.ca/world-monde/issues_development-enjeux_developpement/human_rights-droits_homme/rights_defenders-defenseurs_droits.aspx?lang=eng. The second was published at   https://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/human-rights

            Canadians expect their government to help build respect for human rights at home and around the world. These guidelines are a how-to-guide for supporting human rights defenders, as well as a clear statement of Canada's commitment to promoting all human rights. The government of Canada recognizes the key role played by human rights defenders in protecting and promoting human rights and strengthening the rule of law. A human rights defender is someone who, individually or with others, acts to promote or protect human rights. Human rights defenders help to bring attention to and raise awareness of individuals' human rights. Human rights defenders document and call attention to violations and abuses by any actor. They also highlight the obligations of others to respect and protect those rights within society, from the local level to the international level. However, because of their work to promote human rights, the daily lives of human rights defenders are often affected by threats, intimidation, arrests, detention and harassment. Canada is committed to supporting the work of human rights defenders to advance human rights internationally. Canada is concerned that governments and other actors are stifling civil society through: 1) limiting the full enjoyment of fundamental freedoms, both online and offline.  2) discriminating openly against individuals from marginalized and vulnerable groups.  3) increasingly harsh tactics of intimidation, unlawful and arbitrary surveillance, threats and reprisals.  The impact of such violations and abuses on the individuals themselves, on their families and communities, and on respect for human rights overall, is profound. Canadian support for human rights defenders takes many forms and responds to changing needs: advocasting for open civic space and human rights; working in multilateral forums to strengthen international rules; leveraging partnerships with other countries, civil society and the private sector, including Canadian business interests abroad; funding civil society organizations and grant agencies; and giving public recognition to human rights defenders for their achievements.  Through its engagement in multilateral forums Canada firmly advocates for the protection of human rights defenders and the effective participation of civil society. Through the Universal Period Review (UPR) Canada makes constructive recommendations to states to: 1) improve human rights promotion and protection.  2) seek areas for collaboration, including with human rights defenders.  3) fulfill the commitments made previously through the UPR. Through its network of mission abroad, Canada engages with local authorities to underscore the obligation of states to protect all individuals in their territory and subject to their jurisdiction, including human rights defenders. Our mission abroad liaise with human rights defenders and international and local human rights organizations. This helps us to better understand the situation of human rights defenders in countries around the world. Canada seeks out opportunities to build the capacity of civil society organizations, through expertise and experience sharing as well as technical assistance. Since 2011, the Minister of Foreign Affairs has presented an award on behalf of the government of Canada. The human rights award recognizes individuals or groups outside of Canada that show exceptional courage and leadership in defending human rights and freedom.

              Human rights are rights that we all have by virtue of our shared humanity. Depending on the nature of the right, both individuals and groups can assert human rights. The realization of human rights is a constant struggle on the part of people who suffer injustices and who seek redress. Human rights that we all have by virtue of our shared humanity. HUman rights are an important part of the social fabric of Canadian society. Canadians have played a special role in the evolution of human rights on the international stage. Human rights are so fundamental that they receive a degree of special protection at three levels: in international law, in national constitutions and in human rights laws. At the international level, the touchstone is the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Canada has signed the UDHR and has ratified several international human rights treaties. By 2014, Canada had ratified seven out of ten. At the constitutional level, the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms is now part of the Constitutional Act, 1982. Before 1982, there was little constitutional protection against government interference with human rights. Today, the charter guarantees fundamental freedoms, democratic freedoms (such as participation in elections), legal rights, equality rights, and the right to enforce these rights. Civil rights are associated with fundamental freedoms and privacy rights. They are usually invoked to oppose state intrusions into those rights. Civil liberties can be claimed before the courts on an immediate basis, for example by demanding an immediate end to cruel and unusual treatment. This group of rights is often referred to as "first generation" rights. Economic, social and cultural rights are also fundamental components of human rights. they are sometimes referred to as "second generation " rights. They include education, health, housing and employment. Canada usually implements these rights through government policies and programs. They require progressive or gradual realization. All human rights are indivisible, interrelated and interdependent. The development of international human rights law generated pressure to strengthen our human rights laws in Canada. The scope and meaning of human rights are always evolving. Canadian courts have said that the constitution is a "living tree," meaning that it can grow and evolve with time. There are several important examples of this ongoing evolution. In the aftermath of the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001, there has been a growing tension between human rights and national security, reigniting debates about torture, religious freedom, immigration and national surveillance. The renaissance of public political protest and the growing number of restrictions on civil society organizations around the world, have reignited questions about reasonable limits on freedom of association and peaceful assembly in canada and around the world. The fight for human rights and the nature of Canada's role in the development of human rights is an important part of our national heritage and our ongoing and shared national task of respecting, protecting and fulfilling human rights. As part of this journey, the Canadian Museum for Human Rights, which opened in 2014 in Winnipeg, is the first museum in the world solely dedicated to the narrative of Canada's human rights journey, its evolution, celebration and future.

Countries That Care the Most About Human Rights - Norway

           According to a survey, Sweden, Canada and Norway are the three countries that care the most about human rights, so this post is a tribute to Norway. All countries should try to respect human rights the same way these countries respect. Because this is the best every government should do to help democracy, justice and citizenship.  This post is a summary of three posts. The first was published https://www.usnews.com/news/best-countries/articles/2017-09-18/the-10-countries-that-care-the-most-about-human-rights-accordingperception. The second was published  at  https://nhrf.no/assets/documents/AnnualReport2017_web.pdf. The third was published at  www.regjeringen.no/contentassets/b7384abb48db487885e216bf53d30a3c/veiledningmrforkjengelskf

           In Venezuela, President Maduro holds more than 600 detainees as political prisoners. And in the Middle East, about 6.3 million people are internally displaced from Syria. In the midst of these events, other countries have shown how much they value the rights and freedoms of their citizens and others. Sweden cares the most about human rights, according to the 2017 Best Countries rankings, in which more than 21,000 global citizens evaluated 80 countries across a number of characteristics. In the survey, respondents answered how closely they related each of the countries to the phrase "cares about human rights." Respondents were provided no further detail about the phrase, so it was left to their interpretation. Joining Sweden at the top of the ranking are Canada and Norway.

            30 years ago the Norwegian Human Rights Fund (NHRF) was established as a tool to give flexible, non-bureaucratic and bold support to frontline human rights defenders and their work vulnerable groups. In 2017, the NHRF supported local human rights organisations in 16 countries. Many of the human rights defenders that NHRF supports are subject to high levels of risk and work under extremely challenging circumstances. We are alarmed by the situation in many countries where we give support. In many countries human rights defenders are facing bureaucratic hurdles, threats, surveillance, stigmatisation, reprisals, and smear campaigns. Exists a negative narrative against human rights defenders in many countries. Governments are questioning their legitimacy. To counter this trend, the NHRF has embarked on an ambitious and innovative project with Memria.org to record voices of human rights defenders worldwide and provide a platform where they can share their stories. We are inspired to see the persistent, hard work of local human rights defenders that stand firm to protect the rights. This year we will praise them! We will pay tribute to the human rights defenders and the passion, the strength and the civic conscience that we observe in our grantees in the frontline of the human rights movement! We will use the NHRF's 30th anniversary to highlight the positive impact human rights defenders have on their societies. Ensuring access to justice involves facing intricate  challenges arising regardless of national and international laws formally guaranteeing the protection of human rights. Many of the diverse organisations supported by the NHRF have contributed remarkable efforts to reclaim their rights to full and equal access to justice. Some of these efforts include documenting human rights violations, promoting the visibility and empowerment of discriminated defenders, preserving memories, so future generations will not forget and repeat the violation, and providing free legal assistance to ensure equal access to justice. As justice is key to combat impunity and find redress for past violations, the NHRF supported several projects providing legal support to victims for human rights abuse. In August 2017, the NHRF launched its brand new website featuring updated videos, photos, and stories from the field. The new website was made possible through an extra grant from Amnesty International Norway. The NHRF also launched its own blog, "Voices from the Ground"Highlighting Important Issues Related to NHRF's Work and human rights protection in general. The NHRF invites different actors to contribute to the blog, and therefore the posts are often written by stakeholders and human rights defenders, providing unique insight into practical experiences from human rights field.

             The protection of human rights is one of the main pillars of Norweigian foreign polcy, and providing support for human rights defenders is a central part of these efforts. The objective is that efforts to promote and defend human rights in all parts of the world can be carried out without restrictions or threats to human rights defenders or their families. Human rights defenders are people who stand up for people's rights. By documenting and calling attention to violations and to promote and respect human rights, they help to enhance the protection of human rights at the local level. Support for human rights defenders is an investment in the rule of law and democracy. Defending human rights can be difficult and even dangerous, especially for those who are raising human rights issues in their own country.  Many receive threats to themselves and their families. Many are involved, in different ways, in our efforts to support human rights defenders, and are doing important work at both country and multilateral level. We know that the attention and support of the international community not only encourages human rights defenders to keep up their efforts, but can also provide effective protection. 

210th Birthday of Edgar Allan Poe

           This post is a summary of three articles. The first was published at  https://www.britannica.com/biography/Edgar-Allan-Poe                                          The second was published at  https://www.enotes.com/homework-help/what-impact-did-edgar-allan-poe-have-modern-52497. The third was published at   https://www.ted.com/talks/scott_peeples_why_should_you_read_edgar_allan_poe/transcript

              Edgar Allan Poe (1809-1840) was an American short-story writer, poet, literary critic and editor who is famous for his cultivation of mistery and the macabre. His tale "The Murders in the Rue Morque," (1841) initiated the modern detective story, and the atmosphere in his tales of horror is unrivaled in American fiction. His "The Raven," (1845) numbers among the best-known poems in the national literature. Poe was the son of the English-born actress Elizabeth Arnold Poe and David Poe, an actor from Baltimore. After his mother died in 1811, he was taken into the home of John Allan, a Richmond merchant (presumably his godfather), and of his childless wife.

              Edgar Allan Poe brought about several changes in the literary style of his time period. Poe, as a writer, poet, editor and a critical writer influenced not only American literature, but also had an impact on international literature. He was one of the frist writers to develop the genre of both detective fiction and horror. Stories like "The Pit and the Pendulum," "The Black Cat," set him apart from other writers of his time. Many anthologies credit him as the "architect" of the modern short story. He was also one of the cirst critics to focus primarily on the effect of the style and of the structure in a literary work; as such, he has been seen as a forerunner to the art for art's sake movement. Poe's style still impacts writers today. Nearly every important American writer after Poe shows signs of influence, especially when working in the gothic mode or grotesque humor. The French, Italians, and writers in Spanich and Portuguese in the Americas acknowledge and demonstrate their debts to Poe in technique and vision. Steven King and others have followed in the footsteps of Poe.

              Poe's macabre and innovative stories of gothic horror have left a timeless mark on literature. But just what is it that makes Poe one of the greatest American authors? After all, horror was a popular genre of the period, with many practitioners. Yet Poe stood out thanks to his careful attention to form and style. As a literary critic, he identified two cardinal rules for the short story form:  it must be short enough to read in one sitting, and every word must contribute to its purpose. By mastering these rules, Poe commands the reader's attention and rewards them with an intense and singular experience, what Poe called the unity of effect. Though often frightening, this effect goes far beyond fear. Poe's stories use violence and horror to explore the paradoxes and mysteries of love, grief, and guilt, while resisting simple interpretations or clear moral massages. And while they often hint at supernatural elements, the true darkness they explore is the human mind and its propensity for self-destruction. Through his pioneering use of unreliable narrators, Poe turns readers into active participants who must decide when a storyteller might be misinterpreting or even lying about the events they are relating. Although he is best known for his horror stories, Poe was actually one of the most versatile and experimental writers of the nineteenth century. He invented the detective story as we know it, with "The Murders in the Rue Morgue," followed by "The Mystery of Marie Roget" and "The Purloined Letter." All three feature the original armchair detective, C. Auguste Dupin

Civil Society and Political Accountability

            For an effective and strong democracy checks and equalitary power between institutions are fundamental. And for this to happen more dynamically, people participation in politics is paramount. So support for NGOs, dwellers' associations, online and offline activism and independent media are essential. But all of this will be unsuccessful and frustrating if the elections is unethical and fraudulent. This post is a summary of the essay with the incomplete title above, published in 2000 at   https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/0989/0d82a6f69b4cafaf0f38f759912db4bd063c.pdf

        How do civil society contribute to the construction and empowerment of institutional checks and balances? Civil society clearly matters, but when, how, and what degree? This paper attempts to identify some of the determinants varied patterns of civil society impact on accountable governance. This paper draws on the analytical distinction between vertical and horizontal dimensions of political accountability. The former refers to power relation between the state and its citizens, while the latter refers to institutional oversight, checks and balances within the state. This distinction locates civil society efforts to encourage accountable governance along the vertical dimension, as a counterpart to the electoral process. Indeed, electoral competition has been ackonwledge to be unsufficient for accountability. Civil society demands for state accountability matter most when they empower the state's own checks and balances. By exposing abuses of power, raising standards and public expectations of state performance, and bringing political pressure to bear, they can encourage oversight institutions to act, as well as to target and weaken opponents of accountability. However, we still lack analytical frameworks that can account for the conditions under which civil society manage to bolster institutions of horizontal accountability. In brief, civil society influence horizontal accountability in two ways: directly, by encouraging the creation and empowerment of institutional checks and balances, and indirectly, by strengthening the institutions of vertical accountability that underpin them, such as electoral democracy and an independent media. The causal arrow also points in the other direction, however. Weak institutions of horizontal accountability can also undermine vertical accountability, which in turn weakens civil society. For example, inadequate election oversight bodies can permit less-than-democratic elections, (frauds) and innefective official human rights defenders can fail to stop frequent violations of basic political freedom. Without adequate checks and balances, the minimum conditions for political democracy can remain weak or incomplete. Therefore, one explore the dynamic interaction between accountability's horizontal and vertical dimensions to identify civil society impacts. How do we account for the variation in the degree to which pro-accountability institutions actually manage to limit political power and to sanction its abuse? Empirically, whether or not democratic processes produce accountable governance outcomes varies widely. Persistent human rights violations with impunity under elected regimes are only the most obvious example, as in the cases of agrarian protest in Brazil and Mexico. Legislature  are seen as more permeable and responsive than executives to organized citizens. This pro-accountability potential counterweight depends on the specific institutional characteristics. In the case of legislature in which weak parties with shallow roots in society control, vertical accountability potential is weak. Civil society and opposition political parties have somewhat divergent interests in terms of the empowerment of legislatures as counterweights. Both have a stake in monitoring the government in power and empowering legislative oversight is one of the most important means. For most opposition parties, however, this interest is primarily instrumental. Their leaders do not necessarily want to institutionalize such checks and balances, in case they come to power someday. Moreover, they have an interest in bolstering legislative autonomy not only from the executive, but from voters as well. Decentralization is widely assumed to bring government closer to the people, and therefore to encourage vertical accountability. However, subnational executive authorities often lack their own checks and balances at the provincial or municipal level. In addition, some subnational governments may fall short of the minimum conditions for political democracy. Policies that promote decentralization of resources to subnational governments may well stregthen authoritarian local elites. Even where local governments are not overly authoritarian, powerful institutional incentives may encourage exclusion of constituencies they are supposed to represent. Citizenship is supposed to combine a balance of rights and duties. Sometimes, however, state actors gain the upper hand by holding citizens unduly accountable for certain behaviors, such as political dissent or culturally proscribed activities. Clientelism, for example, refers to relationships of political subordination exchange for material rewards. Authoritarian clientelism obliges citizens to abstain from participating in organizations that will be accountable to them, weakening civil society. Furthermore, regimes that use the allocation of public resources systematically to reward and punish citizens create a form of "reverse vertical accountability" requiring clients dependent on such resources for their survival to be accountable to state patrons. These authoritarian relationships are rarely visible on election day, since the bargain is usually subtle and takes places in advance. Most discussions of political accountability stress the importance of civil society monitoring policy process. The information costs required for effective vertical accountability are very high. Once civil society actors are armed with reliable information about state behavior, however, they can act strategically to bolster agencies of horizontal accountability within the state. Policy monitoring is critical to identify not only abuses of power, but also possible opportunities for civil society leverage. Civil society impact is as much about targeting and weakning the forces of impunity as it is about bolstering pro-accountability institutions. To be effective, civill society require reliable information about where precisely to target advocacy campaigns. This essay's main theme is that civil society role both frames and is framed by the interaction between the vertical and horizontal dimensions of accountability. Weaknesses in electoral democracy can undermine horizontal oversight institutions, and vice versa. Conversely, strong oversight institutions can empówer mechanisms of vertical accountability. This is the dynamic context within which actors that favor accountability come together in efforts to strengthen checks and balances. Schedler has identified four main sources of pro-accountability reform: "governments (reform from above) civil society (reform from below); staff members (reform from within) and international actors (reform from outside) Pro-accountability initiatives most likely encounter resistance both within and between states and society, but the ways in which such conflicts unfold are not predetermined by a static initial distribution of power resources. The analytical challenge, then, is to develop a framework that can capture the process of interaction in which weak actors gain leverageleverage. The failure of accountability efforts can actually bolster the forces of impunity. What makes the difference? Under what conditions can pro-accountability actors set off "virtuous circles" of mutual empowerment? An interactive approach also requires rejecting the still widely held assumption that state and society are engaged in a 'zero-sum balance of power'. Pro-accountability actors within both state institutions and civil society need to find mutual reinforcing coalition strategies that bridge state and society, to make the whole stronger than the sum of the parts. In the interative virtuous circles that bolster accountability, civil society and state actors manage to empower one another and then embed reforms into the state. These institutional levers, such as transparency and oversight bodies, then further empower pro-accountability actors within both state and society, contributing to successive rounds of change. In conclusion, the question of which inter-institutional relationships most effectively promote horizontal accountability may involve more art than science, with the most promising institutional configurations depending on particular actors, times and places. Perhaps the challenge can be understood as a kind of political Feng Shui, the ancient art of placing things in balanced relationships to one another.