The Rise of the Right to Know: Politics and the Culture of Transparency

                  The founder of WikiLeaks, Julian Assange, once said, "transparency is for Governments and big corporations, privacy is for individuals." This summarizes his activism for freedom of speech and for governmental and transnational corporations transparency and for individual's privacy. We all must engage in such activism. A better politics and governance, a more democratic  and inclusive political system, and respect for our right to privacy, depend on this fight. This post is a summary of  a book review from the book with the title above and published at  http://ijoc.org/index.php/ijoc/article/viewFile/6227/1787

                 A swarm of research has been buzzing around subjects such as WikiLeaks ( and other platform of digital disclosure), open government initiatives, and antisecrecy advocacy. While communication scholars explicate their theoretical implications and assess their practical effects, the causal factors that helped  spur their development have received little attention. Our field urgently needed a text that, rather than taking for granted the artifacts of today's culture of transparency, puts this culture in a historical and sociological context. The latest book by Michael Schudson valuably fills this need by examining a set of social, political, and cultural shifts from the Cold War era, which propelled a new model of demoracy in which people could, as never before, expect "freedom of information" and transparency from their government. This type of democracy has been characterized alternately as "advocacy democracy," and "monitory democracy." Schudson introduces each of these before ultimately endorsing political scientist John Keane's idea of monitory democracy. He observes how "modern democracies...especially after 1945, have added new mechanisms of representation that allow continuous, rather than episodic, representation; popularly generated rather than party-controlled representation; and many platforms for entrepreneurial democratic action. By his lights, these developments contribute to a democratic practice in which various actors and institutions keep an eye on one another, engendering a political system that is "more representative than ever." We tend to think of the advent of political polling, fact-checking, and watchdog organizations as key players in this new monitorial culture. But we could also think of the way in which politicians send "trackers" with handheld cameras to their opponents' rallies in hopes of recording a gaffe or the way in which news organizations have begun to publicly criticize each other for reporting errors and perceived bias. The bulk of Schdson's book, after all, is concerned with cultural history and media sociology, not political theory. Schudson source and synthesizes seemingly eclectic phenomena from various parts of political and popular culture to craft a comprehensive and compelling analysis. Included in this analysis, to different degrees, are the passage of the Freedom of Information Act in 1996, the emergence of television talk shows, which "incorporated openness as a practice and as a value;" the Inspectors General Act of 1978, which dramatically expanded government accountability; the increasing prevalence and influence of whistleblowers during the Watergate era. Schudson stes out "to sketch the emergence of a culture of disclosure... and institutionalization of civic knowing" and to explain them. He begins his analysis by stalking out a general claim and overarching observation: "In domains public, private, and professional, expanded disclosure practices have become more fully institutionalized in the past half century and the virtue and value of openeness more accepted, enough so to suggest that both the experience of being human and the experience of constructing a democracy have changed in response to a new transparency imperative and a new embrace of a right to know. The reader is then taken on a tour with several fascinating stops. It begins with examination of the origins of the Freedom of Information Act and then is followed by: the advancement of informational rights for consumers, legislative reforms which made the workings of congress more visible, the advent of more independent and contextual journalism, and the broader changes within democratic political norms that accommodated and encouraged new culture of transparency. Schudson's work is distinhuished by a knack for situating sociological analysis within historical research. This makes for engrossing narratives. He acknowledge that sociologists are more confortable investigating social structures and processes, and have much to learn from historians who "may remind us that events, unpredicted but impossible to ignore, and forceful individual personalities, not just generational cohorts or offices and roles, matter." In emphasizing the importance of pivotal events, Schudson's work departs from not only an ahistorical habit within wherein social and cultural dynamics are seen as stable and explicable products of institutional arrangements. But also included are "the happenstance of everyday politics, everyday events, and a "spirit that made right-to-know or disclosure reforms resonants with a changing culture." With a broad analytical perspective, Schudson convincingly demonstrates how individuals and events uniquely contributed to this spirit, or "what British scholar Raymond Williams called a 'structure of feeling', as institutions acted to catalyze and codify it." Schudson's book also departs  from the historian's habit of focusing on the ostensibly "historic" personalities, the presidents and media moguls who championed open government to shine a light on the work of senior bureaucrats and obscure lawmakers, the unsung agents of social change. John Moss was a California Congressman and a "longtime Democratic activist with an indomitable work ethic" who tapped into the patriotism of Cold War to promote the freedom of information legislation that ultimately became the Freedom Information Act. Esther Peterson was the Kennedy and Johnson administration official who pushed for truth-in-packaging bills before heading to work for supermarkets to initiate consumers reforms such as nutritional labeling practices. Richard Conlon was a former journalist who, for decades, headed the Democratic Study Group, a congressional caucus that used research to push progressive policies. Readers who come to this book in a university setting might be satisfied to learn much of the current culture of transparency is attribute to a "mass public with access to a critical culture in higher education" and that the expansion and shifting character of college education helps expalin not only the changing culture (as audiences increasingly obtained college degrees) but also the growing acceptance efforts to keep a more watchful eye on government and sometimes also on corporate that touches consumers directly. In his final chapter, Schudson recalls how he began his research expecting the rise of the transparency movement. A critical reading of this text suggest cultural transformation are not, in fact, as patterned and predictable as some scholars would like to believe. Nor  is this continuity something upon which we can blindly rely. "The rise of cultural support and institutional mechanisms for a right to know need to be a permanent transformation." Schudson warns. Just as those who forget dark parts of history are doomed to repeat them, those who fail to appreciate brighter parts of history are liable to fail to sustain them. "Sometimes the human spirit shifts. When it does, and when it does in a way that enhances human capacities, we should recognize it and accord it the honor it deserves." By giving us such an illuminative book that simultaneously examines a culture of information and openness as well as represents an examplar of that culture, Schudson honor that spirit indeed.

Day of the Teachers 2017

              Today, 15th of October all over Brazil is celebrated the importance of the teachers. The  improvement of education passes through the appreaciation and value their work. So, this post is a tribute to them. This post is a summary of four articles. The first was published at  https://www.linkedin.com/pulse/leading-from-classroom-arne-duncan. The second was published at  https://www.quora.com/What-is-the-importance-of-teacher-in-our-life. The third was published at http://www.ascd.org/publications/books/104136/chapters/The-Power-of-an-Effective-Teacher-and-Why-We-Should-Assess-It.aspx. The fourth was published at  https://www.huffingtonpost.com/entry/teachers-matter-now-more-_b_5269063.html

              Over the last 8 - 12 years, huge shifts have been ocurring in education. Some changes are positive, such as our nation's record high school graduation rate, narrowing achievement gaps, and a greater number of students attending college. But all types of change, particularly those that have the potential to yield the most positive outcomes, can be challenging. Change requires that we confront the status quo, demands new ways of approaching our work. Now, at a time when educators are courageously raising the bar for student achievement higher than ever before, the job of the teacher has never been more critical to the success of our children and to the prosperity of the nation. Educators frequently share that teaching is the most difficult job that anyone can have, and the most rewarding. Teachers are our nation builders, the strength of every profession in our country grows out of the knowledge and skills that teachers help to instill in our children. And as a nation, we must do much, much more to fully appreciate and support their work. With the transition to more rigorous achievement standards and better student assessment, a focus on data to drive instruction, and the use of technology to learning, teachers are carrying an incredible amount of responsibility. We are in the midst of a new era, one with more engaging lessons, creativity, and innovation, which is bringing joy back into the classroom. the state of teaching is stronger because teachers everywhere are leading from their classroom and taking on new roles to improve education. And we all know, when teaching is stronger, students benefit with increased engagement and achievement. There is no better resource for a school than teachers who are empowered and equipped to solve problems using their own talent and experience. We must do more to encourage teachers who long to share in the responsibility of leading change in our schools. Teaching has never been easy, and it never will be. It takes heart, commitment and passion. But for all the very real challenges, there is reason to be optimistic about where we are going. Why? Because of the teachers who will lead the way. They will shape the state of this profession and the future prospects of our children.

              Whether we realise it or not, a teacher is the most important influence in our life. A teacher is not necessarily one who has taught us in schools or college, they are our parents, mentors and friends too. Whosoever have something to teach is a teacher. We all must offer our gratitude to them. The best teachers are those who show us where to look but don't tell us what to see. Because good teachers educate us and the right education is to know where to look. What we need from education is to awaken intelligence in us. Intelligence is the capacity to perceive the essential, the truth that is all around us but hidden from our view. To awaken this capacity in oneself and in others, is education.  There is really no end to education. It is not about reading a book or passing an examination and say that "my education is finished". Education never ends. It can not end. The whole of life, from the moment we are born to the moment we die, is a movement of learning. 

            The transformative power of an effective teacher is something almost all of us have experienced. If we were fortunate, we had numerous exceptional teachers who made school an interesting place. Those teachers possessed a passion for the subject that they taught and genuine care for the students. They inspired us to play with ideas, and pursue career in a particular field of study. Some exceptional teachers achieve celebrity status, such as Jaime Escalante, the math teacher who inspired the film Stand and Deliver, but thousands of unsung heroes go unrecognized in their work with students on a daily basis. We know intuitively that these effective teachers can have an enriching effect on the daily lives of students and their lifelong educational and career aspirations. We know now empirically that these effective teachers also have a direct influence in enhancing student learning. Years of research on teacher support the fact that effective teachers not only make students feel good about school and learning, but also that their work actually results in increased student achievement. 

             It is not easy being a teacher today. National, state and local politicians, philanthropists, researchers, journalists and many other people that never actually taught a student are deciding how and what teachers should teach and how their effectiveness should be assessed. Teachers have always played an extraordinary role in the development of their students. In recent history, Hellen Keller, Eleanor Rooselvelt, James Earl jones and Magic Johnson are just  a few of the many highly accomplished people who point to a single teacher that set them on a course toward greatness. I know there are countless other lesser-known stories of teachers who encountered troubled students and moved them onto a path toward success. Teachers are challenged to do all of that every day. We ask students, "What matters most to you, and why? It is a invitation for them to bravely share their stories. We learned that students today are not as insulated from the problems of the world as they were 30, 20 and even 10 years ago. There are no more filters, children today are exposed to everything. Third-graders worry about  human trafficking, and sixth graders mention anxiety, depression and body image. They are steadily bombarded with news of tragedies from around the world. Though the world is a safer place than it has ever been, it doesn't seem like that to a young child who consumes so much media as older students do today. Yet, students need the perspective and counsel of teachers more than ever. So how is a teacher to respond to this? 9 things teachers can do. 1) You do what you are called to do.  2) You do what students need you to do.  3) You make time to touch their hearts every day.  4) You look into students' eyes, and they see in yours that you love them.  5) You serve as the voice of reason, courage and hope.  6) You assure them with your presence that they are beautiful creature.  7) You tell them that they matter, that they are geniuses, and that the world needs their contribution.  8) You choose your words carefully, so that those words help students envision success, strech their thinking, and advance independent behaviors and actions. Well-chosen words will stick with your students the rest of their lives.  9) You teach. Your students need you more than ever.

120th Birthday of William Faulkner - Part II

             Faulkner was totally right about his worry with his right to privacy. A nightmare called dystopia starts with violations of basic human rights, and with the helping hand of a dehumanizing big media talking daily about these violations as it were a normal event, so without we realize our rights are being violated and then suddenly,we are already  living in this nightmare. Therefore we all must fight privacy violations, if you know about any of them, record, being a witness, help fight evil, because otherwise you can be the next victim. Join us in this fight, the democracy, the justice, the people and me really appreciate this humanitarian act. We all have to keep the democratic and humanitarian values, we can not tolerate an inversion of values and hypocrisy.  In this post remains the tribute to the American writer William Faulkner. This post is a summary of his essay with the complete title and subtitle of, "On Privacy." The American dream: what happened to it. The second summary was published at  http://www.vqronline.org/essay/faulkner%E2%80%99s-criticism-modern-america. The third was published at http://mwp.olemiss.edu//dir/faulkner_william/

            This was the American dream: a sanctuary on the earth for individual man: a condition in which he could be free not only of the old established closed-corporation hierarchies of arbitrary power which had oppressed him as a mass, but free of that mass into which the hierarchies of church and state had compressed and held him individually thralled and individually impotent. A dream simultaneous among the separate individuals of men so asunder and scattered as to have no contact to match dreams and hopes among the old nations of the old world which existed as nations not on citizenship but subjectship, which endured only on the premise of size and docility of the subject mass; the individual men and women who said as with one simultaneous voice: "We will establish a newland where man can assume that every individual man has inalienable right to individual dignity and freedom within a fabric of individual courage and honorable work and mutual responsibility." Not just a idea, but a condition: a living human condition designed to be co-eval with the birth of America itself. The dream, the hope, the condition which our forefathers did not bequeath to us, their heirs and assigns, but rather bequeathed us, their successors, to the dream and hope. We ourselves heired in our successive generations to the dream by the idea of the dream. And not only we, their sons born in America, but men born in the old alien repudiated lands, also felt that breath, that air, heard that promise, that proffer that there was such a thing as hope for individual man. And the old nations themselves, so old and so long-fixed in the old concepts of man as to have thought themselves beyond all hope of change, making oblation to that new dream of that new concept of man by gifts of monuments and devices to mark the portals of that inalienable right and hope: "There is room for you here from about the earth, for all you individually homeless, individually oppressed, individually unindividualized."  A free gift left to us by those who had travailed and individually endured to create it, we their successors, did not even to nourish and feed it. We needed only to remember that, living, it was therefore perishable and must be defended in its crisis. Because that dream was man's aspiration in the true meaning of the word aspiration. It was not merely the blind and voiceless hope of his heart: it was the actual inbreathe of his lungs, his lights, his living and unsleeping metabolism, so that we actually lived the dream. The dream audible in the strong uninhibited voices which were not afraid to speak, "that all individual men were created equal in one mutual right to freedom." That was the dream. Then we lost it. It abandoned us, which had supported and protected and defended us whicle our new nation of new concepts of human existence. Something happened to the dream. Many things did. This, I think, is a symptom of one of them. About ten years ago a well known literary critic, a good friend of long standing, told me that a wealthy widely circulated magazine had offered him a good price to write about me, not about my work, but about me as a private citizen. I said no, and explained why: until the writer committed a crime, his private life was his own, and not only had he the right to defend his privacy, but the public had the duty to do so since one man's liberty must stop at exactly the point where the next one's begins, and that I believed that anyone of responsibility would agree with me. Across the board in fact, a parlay, a daily triple: truth, freedom and liberty. The point is that America today any organization can postulante to itself immunity to violate the individualness, the individual privacy which he can not be an individual and lacking it which individuality he is not anything at all worth the having or keeping, of anyone who is not himself a member of some organization or group numerous enough or rich enough to frighten them off. There are occupations which are very valuable,  such as writing novels and short stories, which require, demand privacy in order to endure, live. The American sky which was once the topless empyrean of freedom, the American air which was once the living breath of liberty, are now become one vast down-crowding pressure to abolish them both, by destroying the last vestige of privacy without which man can not be an individual.

              Every great novelist has his wisdom, but he imparts it in his own mode. He doesn't make statement and offer arguments. He dramatizes fictional characters. His judgments are normally implicit, not explicit. But they engage human interest in a way in which the abstract statements of the political scientist never can. They make their appeal to the imagination. The work of the great literary artist, as a matter of fact, has never been more necessary than now. In a world which increasingly resembles the innards of a vast IBM machine, a world in which the human integers are likely to feel themselves dehumanized and left at the mercy of forces which are impersonal, we need the rich particularity and the imaginative reach of the literary artist. What he gives us is not life itself, but perhaps the next best thing to life itself: a simulacrum of life that helps us to come to terms with ourselves, to understand our history, and to get a firmer grasp on reality and truth.

            The man himself never stood taller than five feet, six inches tall, but in the realm of American literature, William Faulkner is a giant. More than simply a renowned Mississipi writer, the Nobel Prize-winning novelist is acclaimed throughout the world as one of the 20th century' greatest writers. During what is generally considered his period of greatest artistis acievement, from The Sound and the Fury, in 1929 to Go Down, Moses in 1942, faulkner accomplished in a little over a decade more artistically than most writers accomplish over a lifetime of writing. It is one of the more remarkable feats of American literature, how a young man who never graduated from high school, never received a college degree, living in a small town in the poorest state in the nation, all the while balancing a growing family of dependents and impending financial ruin, could during the Great Depression write a series of novels all set in the same small county in the South, that would one day be recognized as among the greatest novels ever written.

120th Birthday of William Faulkner

             Last Monday 25th of September, the American writer William Faulkner would complete 120 years old, so this post is a tribute to him. Besides being a Nobel Prize winner and an innovative writer, his activism for the right to privacy became his works more genuine, understandable and meaningful.  This post is a summary of four articles. The first was published at   https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/William_Faulkner. The second was published at http://www.findingdulcinea.com/guides/Education/Great-Authors-William-Faulkner.pg_. The third was published at http://www.semo.edu/cfs/teaching/4853.html. The fourth was published at  http://www.vqronline.org/essay/faulkner%E2%80%99s-criticism-modern-america

             William Cuthbert Faulkner (1897-1962) was an American writer and Nobel Prize laureate from Mississipi. Faulkner wrote novels, short stories, a play, poetry, essays, and screenplays. He is one of the most celebrated writers in American literature, Faulkner was relatively unknown until receiving the 1949 Nobel in literature. A Fable (1954) and his last novel The Reivers (1962) won the Pulitzer Prize for fiction. He had three younger brothers. His family, particularly his mother Maud and his maternal grandmother Leila were avid readers and his mother valued education and took pleasure in reading, so she taught her sons to read before sending them to public school and she exposed them to classics such as Charles Dickens. Faulkner's prodigious output includes his most celebrated novels such as, The Sound and the Fury (1929), As I Lay Dying (1930), Light in August (1932), and Absalom! (1936). Faulkner was known for his experimental style with meticulous attention to diction and cadence. In contrast to the minimalist understatement of his contemporary writer  Ernest Hemingway, Faulkner made frequent use of "stream of consciousness" and wrote often highly emotional, subtle, cerebral, complex, and sometimes Gothic stories of a wide variety of characters including former slaves or descendants of slaves, poor agrarian white or working-class southerners, and southern aristocrats.

               William Faulkner, revered modernist writer, historian and sociologist, is known for capturing the raw beauty of the rural South in all its dark complexity. In new Orleans, Faulkner met Sherwood Anderson, a writer who would become his friend and mentor. He also became friends with John McClure, a journalist who helped edit a literary magazine. In 1929, he published, "The Sound and the Fury," an experimental novel that follows the destruction of the Compson family. The novel's first scene, which shows Caddy peering in at her grandfather's funeral from her perch in a tree. Faulkner wrote the book five times. In 2004, Faith Lapidus said that between 1929 and 1936, Faulkner reinvented the novel. The Sound and the fury, may have been Faulkner favorite, but most critics believe his best work and perhaps the best American novel is "Absalom!" Published in 1936, it tells the story of Thomas Sutpen, a Southerner who marries one woman in Haiti and another in the South. He then swindles an estate from the Native Americans. Recognition for Faulkner came slowly. During the Great Depression, he continued to rely on screenplays and short stories. Readers of Faulkner rely on emotional instincts to embrace and unravel the ambiguities woven into each passage. Robert Hamblin, an expert on Faulkner's literature, tells frustrated readers to think of themselves as members of a jury. Imagine sitting in court listening to and sifting through... contradictory testimonies of a parade of witnesses, and knowing that finally you'll have to make up your mind about what actually happened and who is and is not telling the truth.

                Several novels and short stories wrtitten by Faulkner can be included on high school reading lists and if taught would enhance student experiences of American literature. Malcolm Cowley in his classic introduction to The Portable Faulkner said, "Faulkner's novels have the quality of being lived, absorbed, remembered rather than merely observed. And they have what is rare in the novels of our time, a warmth of family affection, brother for brother and sister, the father for his children, a love so warm and proud that it tries to shut out the rest of the world." It is difficult to imagine someone reading the final scenes of Light in August and not being moved by the fate of Joe. It is hard to imagine a reader can experience the journey with Bundren family to bury Addie in As I Lay Dying, and not be a better person for the experience. What student can experience Faulkner's encapsulation of the world in The Sound and the Fury and not come to a deeper understanding of himself and his place in that world? Literature allows students to understand the heritage of the past. Faulkner teaches us better than most writers what it means to be American, not just a American from the South. We must learn to share the heritage wrought by slavery and learn to understand the prejudice and greed that forged its development. More than most writers, Faulkner is able to lead us to a personal understanding of "man's inhumanity to man."

              Faulkner did not at all mind speaking out about the world in which he lived. At one time or another he complained of many features of our American life style: of our haste, of our activism-though we all said that we approved of culture, we could not find the time to read a book or listen to music- of our commercialism, of business so often pursued merely for the sake of business, of our tendency to reduce nearly all human relations to the cash nexus.  Closely allied to this fear of what your neighbors may think of you is something that sounds like its direct opposite: your own nagging desire to know the worst about your neighbor, the wish to find out all about his private life, and a willingness, if necessary, to violate his privacy. The modern vice that most outraged Faulkner, however, was the violation of one's private life. Its enormity had been brought home to him by attempted violation of his own privacy. These attempts came to a head in 1953 with the publication in Life magazine of, "The Private World of William Faulkner." Though Faulkner had begged the editors of Life to desist, they could not be persuaded to leave him. Faulkner took the matter to heart to devote to it one of his rare full-dress essays. It bears the title: "On Privacy." It constitutes his most elaborate and considered attack on the value system of contemporary America. In the essay, however, Faulkner undertakes to rise above his personal problem and take a large, overall view. What had happened to him, he tells the reader, was what had also happened on a level of much graver seriousness to more important figures such as, for instance, Charles Lindberg and J.Robert Oppenheimer. Though the nation had rejoiced in Lindberg's great achievement, it had not been able to protect his child, and when the child was kidnapped, it had not shielded his grief but had exploited it. Good manners and decency had been engulfed by the urge to make money by pandering to the public's greediness for the sensational. It is worth noting that Faulkner chose as a subtitle for his essay on privacy, "The American Dream: What Happened to it." Our republic had been born out of a dream. It had been founded to guarantee to every citizen freedom from oppression by the arbitrary power, whether of church or state; yet though the nation had been born out of a revolt against one kind of enslavement, it had capitulated to another, the individual's enslavement by a mindless and venal mob. Pushy newspaper men, in Faulkner's view, were no mere pimples on the body politic; rather, they evidence a deep and malignant growth. A long essay by Richard Goodwin, entitled, "Reflections: The American Condition."  Though range over a great number of topics, the portion of this essay that is most pertinent to Faulkner's criticism of the modern world: that is, the individual's freedom considered as an absolute end in itself and freedom as an aspect of the individual's fulfillment of himself. Goodwin insists that the purpose of the true individual are not mere individual preferences and opinions, but purposes which are consistent with those of his fellows. The true individual seeks to satisfy his own wants and to cultivate his own faculties in a manner that is consonant with the well-being of others. Goodwin remind us that Plato, in "The Republic," asserts that the greatest good is the bond of unity in which there is community of pleasure and pains, in which all citizens are glad or grieved on the same occasions of joy and sorrow.

International Day of Democracy 2017 - Part II

              This post is a summary of four articles. The first was punlished at  http://www.ipu.org/idd/2016-democracy-2030.htm. The second was published at  http://www.idea.int/news-media/news/political-inclusion-vital-sustainable-democracy. The third was published at https://www.thindifference.com/2013/07/democracy-5-ways-you-can-make-it-more-meaningful/. The fourth was published at http://listcrux.co/10-reasons-for-the-success-of-democracy/

              "Democracy 2030" is an invitation to all parliaments to interrogate the present, to learn from the past and to prepare the future of democracy. Key questions include: 1) How will the institutions of democracy - parliament, political parties, elections - change between now and 2030?  2) Will the existing political processes be sufficient to enable young people to express their aspirations, or do new processes need to be invented?  3) What new forms of collaborative, participative decision-making will emerge in the digital era?  4) How will parliaments connect the goals set out in the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development with the concerns and hopes of their citizens? In some ways, 2030 is very near, only around three electoral cycles' away in most countries. Arguably, politics in 2030 might still look very familiar to today, with familiar processes of elections, political parties and parliaments. in other ways, it is a distant horizon. Many unforeseen events have take place since 2000. No-one can predict what political events will happen in coming years, what technological innovations will take place, nor how these new tools will be used by citizens. Since 2000, information has become more widely accessible than ever before, reinforcing the demand for transparency and accountability. A generation of  "digital natives" have grown up using social networks to connect and mobilize with their peers locally, nationally and across borders. New political movements have emerged to challenge the way politics is done and have acceded to positions of power in some countries. The percentage of women in parliament has increased. These factors and many more  combine to make this a time of challenge and opportunity for democracy. Political parties, parliaments and other institutions are called upon to adapt to changes in society, to renew political processes, to create space in politics for younger generations and make use of their energy. The aspirations for a fairer world that are set out in the 2030 Agenda will only be met if there is more democracy, not less. Political leaders everywhere need to make the connection between the internationally-agreed development goals and the demands from their citizens, including for greater transparency and accountability as well as more participative and inclusive decision-making processes.

             Political inclusion is vital to sustainable democracy. No voice should be left unheard. No one should be left behind. No one should be subject to any form of exclusionary rhetoric. For democracy to be sustainable, International IDEA believes that democracy should allow each and every citizen to participate in political processes. Democracy is dependent on the participation and representtion of all citizens in democratic institutions and processes. These institutions and processes include election management bodies and elections, constitutional bodies, political parties and parliaments. Underpinning all this is political inclusion. This is the idea that every citizen, regardless of class, age, gender, sexual orientation, ability, group, culture and ethnic or religious background, should have an equal right and opportunity to engage with and contribute to the functioning of these institutions and processes. Working to achieve political inclusion is fraught with challenges. Foremost amongst these is the increasing difficulty by which the needs and aspirations of citizens can connect with accountable and representative political institutions. Democratic institutions and processes are often mistrusted. Some citizens, meanwhile, are not interested in voting or joining in a political party. This is because they see no difference with who is in power. They think their voices will not matter or have an influence on how political institutions will act. Secondly, inequality of opportunity persist worldwide. Not all citizens in society are represented in policy discussions and many feel marginalized. Democracy can not truly deliver for all of its citizens if the population remains excluded from the political arena. While advocating for political inclusion for sustainable democracy is not easy, there are ways by which we as citizens can do our part. This can begin by just being aware of the challenges, This then allows you to give space for all voices to be heard and included in your day-to-day activities. Every action counts.

                Democracy carries a personal responsibility. Just as quickly as the words are read, they evaporate. Fingers are pointed at others, and they speak loudly, "the responsibility lies over there, not with me." Even louder, we may hear the echo of Franklin D. Roosevelt: "Let us never forget that government is ourselves and not an alien power over us. The ultimate rulers of our democracy are not a President and senators and congressmen and government officials, but the voters of this country." If everyone is offered an equal chance, then there is a duty to embrace the actions of democracy, opening up equal opportunity for others as well as delivering the best government possible to preserve our right, our purpose. There are great principles in providing equal chance. Principles of freedom are at the core. In freedom, meaning grows. Freedom offers discovery, pursuit, betterment, and much more. In freedom, responsibility joins. Freedom requires attention. It needs care and feeling, and this responsibility belongs to us, the voters and citizens. Untouched democracy and freedom will fade in the sun of inactivity and inattention. There is great personal meaning in democracy, and it is under our care to advance it, protect it, and embrace it. No one said democracy is easy. It takes effort. We need to understand the necessity of each along with the responsibility. Standing up for others and our beliefs takes as much courage as being open to listening and understanding a new perspective. Compromise is difficult yet necessary at times to get unstuck. Democracy takes all generations. For younger generations, history needs to be learned and understood in order to gain the context of why our participation is necessary. It can also include internship to gain a closer look and prepare ourselves to grab the baton forward. Youth is not an excuse to shed responsibility, just as seniority is not a reason to squander it. Planning and managing in a fiscally responsible way is vital and challenging. Tough trade-offs require a steeliness of purpose. It requires a dutiful spirit of responsibility and hard choices and work. In all that we do, we need to show an attitude of kindness. In all our interactions, we need to embrace civility and empathy. Democracy is too important to waste away in petty arguments. To engage, we must connect, understand, and work in a spirit of respect. For us who are in a democracy, great meaning is possible. It is our responsibility. Duty is a call for every citizen, After all, equal chance carries equal responsibility. We must grasp our role to further the meaning of democracy. It is the purpose to convert our responsibility into actions. It is what good citizens do. It is what good leaders do.

               One of the frequently debated issues in the present day world politics is regarding the most stable form of government, given the fact that there are a phetora of different forms of government , a mutual consensus is hard to arrive to. But a democratic form of government which states by whom, how and in what way a society will be governed is the most popular form of the government. Democracy like other forms of governments does have some drawbacks but the success of this form of government is hard to ignore. So now we take a look at top ten reasons that make democracy a robust and successful form of government. 10) Represent the people: a democratic government is said to be for the people and by people. In a democracy the voter is the supreme monarch who is free to choose who represents him and his voice at the biggest level, and the elected representatives lend a voice to the grievances of these people. 9) Better governance: Democracy is all about having checks at each stage by the parliament, the people themselves, the media and not to forget the ever ready opposition waiting for a chance to blow fire. 8) Respect and promotes human rights: If there is one thing that puts a democracy above all the other forms of government then it must surely be the unique feature of a democracy where in all its citizens are entitled for the basic rights right from their birth and these rights are respected by the government and protected under the law. 7) Freedom of speech and press: A unique feature of democracy which it boasts of is the "freedom of speech" that is provides as a birthright to all its citizens, freedom of speech is the core of any democracy. Any individual can speak what he seems is right and can even question and criticize the government in particular without any fear. Without freedom of speech democracy can not be conceived. 6) Social equality and diversity: In a democracy there is not discrimination and everyone is equal before the law irrespective of his caste, creed, gender, color, religion, or ethnicity. A democracy provides equal opportunities to all its citizens and everyone is free to follow his own choice. 5) Accountability: Agreed that a democracy if by the people and for the people and the common man elects his representative is accountable to the common man who had voted for him and who is the prime reason why he sits in the highest office. 4) Open public debate on major decisions:  doing debates puts forward lots of views, information, arguments and counter arguments which are all discussed weighed upon and a consensus is drawn. By this the risk to power abuse will touch a nadir and there will be an increase in transparency and more peoples participation. 3) Hope for a change: With a democracy is always a ray of hope for change, consider an elected representative is not working up to the expectations or is not keeping the promises he made before the election, it is not a big thing to worry about as come next elections he can be easily uprooted by voting for a better candidate. 2) A written constitution: A document having a set of rules about how a country must be run and its citizens protected. A written constitution grants and safequards the birthrights of all people and keeps the principles of democracy alive by protecting them. 1) Democratic states help build a more democratic world: A democratic world is, in its essence a better place to live nothing short of a utopian dream. So this is a classic reason why democracy is a success.

International Day of Democracy 2017

              This post is a summary of five articles. The first with the incomplete title above was published at http://www.un.org/en/events/democracyday/. The second was published at http://www.greeningtheblue.org/event/international-day-democracy. The third was published at http://www.coe.int/en/web/portal/-/international-day-of-democracy-2017. The fourth was published at http://www.idea.int/news-media/news/international-day-democracy-secretary-general-visits-falun-democratic-city. The fifth was published at https://swoogo.s3.amazonaws.com/uploads/64477-59957b807cb69.pdf

             This year's theme of Democracy Day is democracy and conflict prevention, focuses on the critical need to strengthen democratic institutions to promote peace and stability. A more integrated approach to foster resilient societies calls for effective and inclusive democratic governance with respect for human rights and the rule of law. Resilient societies are able to mitigate disputes through mediation, dialogue and a reasonable degree of legitimacy of their institutions. Developing effective conflict prevention mechanisms and infrastructures provides a foundation to resolve grievances and sustain peace. Process, such as peace agreements, and elections, can help maintain equilibrium between competing interests and reduce fragility and the likelihood of violence. Strong leadership to support democracy, strengthen civil society, and uphold the rule of law are conditions that preserve stability and peace. Recognizing the indivisible links between peaceful societies and effective, accountable and inclusive institutions.

              Democracy is a universal value based on the freely spoken and expressed will of people to determine their own political, economic, social and cultural systems in all aspects of their lives. Evolved over centuries, democracies share many common features but cannot be reduced to a single model. In short, democracy pertains the idea that everyone has the right to have their own beliefs, and to say and write what they think. Every year on the 15th September, the United Nations celebrate these ideas on the International Day of Democracy. Activities carried out by the U.N. in support of efforts of governments to promote and consolidate democracy are undertaken in accordance with the U.N. charter, and only at the specific request of the Member States concerned. While also celebrating the positive values of democracy, the International Day of Democracy will also offer an opportunity for a review of democracy in the modern world. Celebrations around the world addresses democracy by calling for inclusive and participatory societies and institutions. It aims to "promote peaceful and inclusive societies for sustainable development, provide access to justice for all and build effective, accountable and inclusive institutions at all levels."

             Statement by Secretary General of the Council of Europe, Thorbjorn Jagland. "In today's Europe, there are forces that want to undermine democracy and turn back the clock. That's why we should celebrate this year's international Democracy Day with greater noise, effort and organisation than ever before. Democracy, human rights and the rule of law fit together to the benefit of citizens in Europe and across the world. Democratic governance creates freedom, fosters opportunity and counters corruption in government and in society. It also  supports fair political competition with outcomes and institutions that foster public trust. So when these values are under attack, we should double-down, not doubt ourselves. The Council of Europe will continue its mission to promote common standards for democracy, to monitor their respect by all our Member States and to support, multiply and enhance different forms of participation of citizens in public life at all levels. On September 15 - and every day - let democrats hold their heads high and speak for their ideals."

              On 15 September 2017, International IDEA's Secretary-General, Mr. Yves Leterme, visited the Swedish city of Falun on the occasion of the International Day of Democracy, where he participated in a panel discussion on the topic of strengthening democracy. Falun, a city of around 60,000 people situated 250 kilometres north of the Swedish capital of Stockholm, has in recent years been at the forefront of developing innovative approaches to active citizenship and participatory democracy. Rebranding itself as Falun Democratic City, the city in 2010 established a Democracy Commission, devoted to providing the city's residents with better information and supporting them in their involvement in the political process. Within that framework, the city organized, from 9-15 September 2017, 'Falun Democracy Week", a full thematic week about democratic rights and responsibilities as active citizens. Attending the final day of this year's Democracy Week, secretary-General Yves Leterme participated in a session entitled "Global participation - how can we make the world more democratic?" During his intervention, the Secretary-General Leterme focused on "The state of people power worldwide and democratic resilience". Setting out the opportunities and challenges to democracy identified by international IDEA, he stressed that despite the many obstacles ahead, and notwithstanding increasing pessimism about the state of democracy worldwide, democracy globally has proven to be resilient. Over the past decades, democracy has made significant progress, and this needs to be recognized. However, the Secretary-General also pointed out that the challenges democracy faces are real and pressing, and have to be answered. Among those, he singled out in particular the importance of participation for democracy. Traditional democratic institutions such as political parties, which have long guaranteed this participation, he noted, face a crisis, as citizens are increasingly disengaging from politics out of distrust and discontent, an evolution that threatens the very essence of democracy, as it undermines citizens' participation in the political process. In order to guarantee the continued political engagement  of the electorate and to enable citizens to engage in public affairs in between elections, the Secretary-General encouraged the exploration of new forms of citizen participation. Experiments at the local level, such as in Falun, the secretary-General noted, can guide the way in this regard. "Democracy," Leterme stressed, "can not be taken for granted, and further measures to safeguard democracy through innovative, flexible and adaptive approaches are urgently required of policymakers and citizens."

               The International Day of Democracy is an opportunity to recommit to a world defined by the values enshrined in the United Nations Charter: peace, justice, respect, human rights, tolerance and solidarity. Yet, in many societies around the world, there is a crisis of faith. globalization and technological progress have lifted many out of poverty, but have also contributed to inequality and instability. There is a growing and deepening divide among people, as well as between people and the political establishments that exist to represent them. Fear is driving too many decisions. This is a danger to democracy. It is time to reconstruct relations between people and leaders, national and international. It is time for leaders to listen and show that they care about their own people and about the global stability and solidarity on which we all depend. And it is time for the entire international community to address one of its most severe shortcomings: our inability to prevent crisis. To work credibly for prevention, we need to better support countries in their efforts to strengthen their democratic institutions and make their societies more resilient. In some countries, a dangerous illusion has taken hold that democracy is in contradiction to stability or conflict prevention. Quite the contrary: by destroying democratic institutions, by suppressing civil society, by undermining the rule of law and human rights, authoritarian rule creates conditions for extremist ideologies. It prevents societies from developing peaceful channels and effective instruments for the resolution of grievances and other challenges. By the same token, toppling a dictator, or holding elections in a post-conflict situation, does not mean that democracy will flourish by itself. It requires leadership, in ensuring that emerging and developing democracies are supported, so that they can succeed.

220th Birthday of Mary Shelley

              Last 30th of August, the British writer Mary Shelley would complete 220 years old, so this post is a tribute to her. She is considered the mother of science fiction. This post is a summary of five articles. The first was published at   https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mary_Shelley. The second was published with the incomplete title above at https://my.christchurchcitylibraries.com/blogs/post/220th-birthday-anniversary-of-mary-shelley-author-of-frankenstein/. The third was published at                                               https://www.cliffsnotes.com/literature/f/frankenstein/critical-essays/major-themes. The fourth was published at https://storify.com/jpratt97/mary-shelley-s-frankenstein. The fifth was published at https://whitmansyawp.wordpress.com/2013/12/01/you-could-learn-a-lot-from-a-shelley-ethics-of-frankenstein/

                     Mary Shelley (1797-1851) was an English novelist, short stories writer, essayist, biographer, and travel writer, best known for her Gothic novel Frankenstein: or, The Modern Prometheus. Like much Gothic fiction of the period, mixes a visceral and alienating subject matter with speculative and thought-provoking themes. Shelley imbues the text with her own brand of politicised Romanticism, one that criticised the individualism and egotism of traditional Romanticism. Critics, Bennett for example, claims that Shelley works reveal a consistent commitment to Romantic idealism and political reform and Jane Blumberg's study of Shelley early novels argues that her career can not be easily divided into radical and conservatives halves. She contends that "Shelley was never a passionate radical and her lifestyle was not abruptly assumed nor was it a betrayal. She was in fact challenging the political and literary influences of her circle.

                   Mary Wollstonecraft Godwin was the daughter of two intellectuals. Her father, William was a writer and philosopher. Her mother, Mary also a writer and philosopher , was a proponent of women's rights who, in 1792, wrote A Vindication of the Rights of Women: with Strictures on Political and Moral Subjects. Unfortunately, her mother died soon after giving birth, but her ideas would be inherited by her daughter. From her father, Mary learned of the latest scientific endeavours. In 1814, Mary met the Poet, Percy Bysshe Shelley. at her father's house. Although he was already married, the two formed a relationship and in July of that year they eloped to Europe. Accompanied by Mary's stepsister, Claire, they toamed through France before arriving in Switzerland. In January 1816, she gave birth to a son. By 1816 Percy Shelley's health was deteriorating and in May they left England returning to Switzerland, where they joined another Poet, Lord George Byron and his physician companion, John William Polidori on the shores of Lake Geneva. On June 15, as a storm continued to rage outside Villa Diodati, the group decided to hold a ghost story competition. A few days later, Mary wouls soon find inspiration for her own story in the nightmare of a scientist reanimating a lifeless corpse. Although Frankenstein contained elements traditionally found in Gothic novels (ruined castles, dark forests, storms) it departed from standard Gothic novel of the time in that, rather than dealing with the supernatural, its horrific features had their origins in science. The success of Frankenstein allowed Mary Shelley to embark on a career as a novelist at a time when writing was still considered a masculine domain. She would proceed to write further titles, including the post-apocalypits novel, The Last Man (1826) before her death in 1851.

             Mary Shelley makes full use of themes that were popular during the time she wrote Frankenstein. She is concerned with the use of knowledge for good or evil purposes, the invasion of technology into modern life, the treatment of the poor, and the restorative power of nature in the face of unnatural events. She addressed each concern in the novel, but some concerns are not fully addressed or answered. Victor Frankenstein learns all he can about the field of science. Prior to his enrollment at the university, Victor focuses on the ancient art of alchemy, which had been discredited by the time of Shelley's writing. Alchemy was an early form of chemistry, with philosophic and magical associations, studied in the Middle Ages. It is Victor's combination of old and new science that leads him down a path to self-destruction. This is one of Shelley's themes:"How can we harness the knowledge that we have so that it is for the benefit of all mankind? Since the Industrial Revolution had pervaded all part of Europe and British society by the time of her writing, Shelley questions how far the current wave of advances should push the individual in terms of personal and spiritual growth. She conveys the impression that the technological advances made to date rob the soul of growth when man becomes too dependant on technology. Personal freedom is lost when man is made a slave to machines and technology. Shelley presents nature as very powerful. It has the power to put the humanity back into man when the unnatural world has stripped him of his moral fiber.

              Mary Shelley was very sick for the last ten years of her life and died at the age of 53 of a brain tumor. Her most famous novel Frankenstein was about a doctor who creates a creature in a scientif experiment. Mary Shelley started to write Frankenstein at the age 18 and it was published when she was 20 by an unknown publisher in London. Ethics in science is the topic, because there has many controversies over some of the advancements that have been made in the medical field. For example, human cloning, with modern technology we have the ability to create an exact clone of someone physically. And that is where ethics in science comes into play, scientists are not allowed to clone humans because it is unethical, immoral and inhumane, scientists have not right to play God. This article explains why ethics in research is needed and important. It state that some of the ethics include honesty, integrity, openess which are all examples of essential ethics in any situation. 

             Questionable ethics run rampant throughout Frankenstein, and it is not only seen in the characters Victor and the Frankenstein as is so often presupposed. By using multiple characters Shelley utilizes each unique perspective to reveal a didactic book of ethics and behaviour for readers to emulate and to avoid. The primary example of unethical cowardice is clearly seen in Victor. His constant refusal to take responsibility for the lives of those around him after what he construct. Victor is in a never ending flux of negative emotions. This cruel abandonment serves as a duality of lessons. First, it instructs us to assume responsibility for our actions and to follow through with commitments. Shelley diverts focus away from the common arguments of morality and the issue of "not playing God" and choses to divert the focus on the ethical problems of the individual. Not only does Victor shirk from his own responsibilities, he allows others to assume the responsibilities for his dangerous choices. This lack of ethics results in deaths. One of the most blatant examples of the wrongs of embodying passive ethics is seen during the accusation, trial, and then execution of Justine Moritz. It is Victor's refusal to own up to his unethical behavior that allows the innocent Justine to be killed for a crime, a crime which Victor is more rightly accountable for. Shelly shows the reader that this form of wallowing escapism does not render a person any less accountable for their actions. This teaches us that our ethical or unethical actions affect not only ourselves but others as well. There is a heavy price attached to actions and it is crucial to be aware of this interconnectedness. Shelley puts more emphasis on ethics of the individual rather than society because group ethics are so flawed. Elizabeth laments, "when I reflect... on the miserable death of Justine Moritz, I no longer see the world its works as they before appeared to me. Before, I looked upon the accounts of injustice, that I read in books or heard from others, or imaginary evils; at least they were remote, but now men appear to me as monsters thirsting for each other's blood". A person can not and must not rely on society to dictate an ethical way of life. it is up to each of us, the individual to construct his or her own ethical compass.