Dangerous Practice of Surveillance Must Be Subject to Independent Checks

                     This post is a summary of two articles. The first with the incomplete title above was published in 2014 at http://www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=14875. The second was published in 2016 at https://www.expressvpn.com/blog/why-you-should-care-about-privacy/

            U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights Navi Pillay warned Wednesday that studies by her office and other have revealed a "disturbing" lack of transparency about governmental surveillance policies and practices, "including coercion of private companies to provide sweeping access to information and data relating to private individuals without the latter's knowledge. She said, "this is severely hindering efforts to ensure accountability for any resulting human rights violations, or even to make us aware that such violations are taking place, despite a clear international legal framework laying down governments' obligations to protect our right to privacy, and other related human rights." Pillay said her office has been working for over a year on the complex web of issues relating to the right to privacy in the face of modern digital technology and surveillance measures. It has examined existing national and international legislation, a number of recent court judgments, and compiled information from a broad range of sources, including via questionnaire sent to governments, international and national organisations, national human rights institutions, NGOs and private sector. As part of this ongoing process, Pillay's office published a report requested by U.N. General Assembly in December 2013, which stresses the need for vigilance and procedural against governmental surveillance programmes. The report, entitled "The Right to Privacy in the Digital Age" warns that governmental mass surveillance is "emerging as a dangerous habit rather than an exceptional measure and that practices in many government reveal a lack of adequate national legislation, weak procedural safeguards, and ineffective oversight. The existence of a mass surveillance programme... creates an interference with privacy. The onus is on the state to demonstrate that such interference is neither arbitrary nor unlawful," Pillay said, noting that article 17 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights states that " no one shall be subjected to arbitrary or unlawful interference with his or her privacy, family, home or correspondence, nor to unlawful attacks on his or her honour and reputation." The Covenant, a binding treaty ratified by 167 States, also says that "everyone has the right to the protection of the law against such interference or attacks." The report states that while judicial involvement can help assess whether such surveillance meets the standards by international human rights law, "judicial involvement in oversight should not be viewed as a panacea." It calls for governments to establish independent institutions to monitor such sutveillance. In several countries, judicial warranting or review of the digital surveillance activities of intelligence and/or law enforcement agencies have amounted effectively to an exercise in rubber-stamping," it states. "Jurisprudence at the regional level has emphasised the utility of an entirely independent oversight body, particularly to monitor the execution of approved measures." The law governing such surveillance must also be publicly accessible. The laws must be sufficiently precise and provide for effective safeguards against abuse. "Any captures of communications data is an interference with privacy and, further, the collection and retention of communications data amounts to an interference with privacy whether or not those data are subsequently consulted or used," it states. While the report focused on the right to privacy, it notes that other rights are at risk due to surveillance, the interception of digital communications and the collection of personal data. These include the right of opinion and expression, the freedom of peaceful assembly and association, the right to a family and family life and the right to health. "The constant stream of new revelations shows how disturbingly little we really know about the precise nature of surveillance, and the extent to which our human rights are being violated, and responsibility for those violations is being evaded," Pillay said. "This report is a useful outline of the international framework concerning these issues, and points to some alarming gaps in implementation. As immediate measure, governments should review their own practices to ensure full conformity with human rights law. "The complexity of the challenges to the right to privacy in this digital age is going to require constant scrutiny and dialogue between all key sectors, including governments, civil society, technical experts, the private sector, academics and human rights specialists. Some incredibly important principles are at stake which go right to the core of every individual's rights." Pillay added.

               In 2015, acclaimed journalist and privacy advocate Glenn Greenwald gave a spectacular talk on the importance of privacy. He showed us how the Internet has changed from a tool of liberation to a tool of compliance. Everyone should care about their privacy. Here is why. 1) Everyone has something to hide. "Arguing that you do not care about the right to privacy because you have nothing to hide is not different than saying you do not care about free speech beacuse you have nothing to say" said Edward Snowden. We all have something to hide, even if we do not realize it. Here is an example: In a 2009 documentary, then Google CEO Eric Schmidt said: "if you are doing something you do not want anyone to know, maybe you should not be doing it in the first place." He was referring to how Google records users' search inquires. Yet when a magazine published an article containing private information about Eric, including his income, his address, and his political donations, he condemned the site for invading his privacy and under Google's control publicly blacklisted the site. Though Eric was not breaking any laws, he was still subject to exposure and so felt the sting of having parts of his privacy exposed. 2) Surveillance is conditioning you to act differently. "A society in which people can be monitored at all times is a society that breeds conformity, obedience, and submission." said, Glenn Greenwald. Shame is a powerful motivator, which is why people often act differently when they believe they are being watched. In the 1950s, psychologist Solomon Asch conducted a series of now famous experiments on the psychological effects of a surveillance state. The results were staggering. He was able to prove how people were so ingrained in social conformity that they were willing to follow the crowd, even when they knew the crowd was wrong. Even worse, when people knew they were being surveilled, they were found to have higher levels of stress, anxiety, and doubt. 3) The very meaning of privacy is changing. "Privacy is no longer a 'social norm' ." said, Mark Zuckerberg. The fundamental meaning of privacy is evolving. Some people would even like to make you think it is not even a right anymore. These people are very wrong. The truth is, the Internet is changing what it means to be private. When you post something on social media, you are choosing what you want to share. We all have that friend who posts excruciatingly private information about themselves on a daily basis, but it is their information, and therefore, their choice to post. But what about all the information you do not want to be made public? 4) Surveillance is evolving. The fact that Internet giants like Facebook and Google collect zettabytes of highly personal data is one thing. The myriad other sites that collect your browsing habits and track your whereabouts behind the scenes is another. If you have used an anti-blocking , then you have seen just how much 'muck' there is online. And that is just scratching the surface. What about the sites that use the information they learn about you to determine how much they should charge? On 2012, travel site Orbitz received a lot of negative attention for charging Mac users more for hotel options than PC users. Legal? Maybe. Ethical? No way. This is just one example of what happens when companies have more information than they rightfully should. Imagine when that information goes deeper than just what browser you are using or when you bought your last jeans. 5) When it comes to privacy, your actions today may haunt you tomorrow. "Privacy is an inherent human right, and a requirement for maintaining the human condition with dignity and respect." said, Bruce Schneier. The concept of liberty is intrinsic to privacy. When someone, whether it is a hacker who is stolen your identity or a company that has records of every site you visit, has enough information in you, it makes it exponentially easier for them to be able to manipulate you. Who would want everything they have done to be recorded? Every remark ready to be used against you when and if the needs arises? Imagine the repercussions if that were to happen in our day-to-day lives. The fence in your yard, the locks on your door, the curtains on your windows, these are all attempts to protect your privacy, your personal space. So why would not you want that same protection online. 6) What you do is your business. The problem with the current state of surveillance is that it is evolving. If people do not wake up and realize how their civil liberties are blatantly being violated, things will get worse. It is becoming more than just the cookies that track which websites you visited ir the NSA who compile the audio of your phone conversations; it is becoming a bleak future where we are being forced to conform to a new normality most never saw coming. This issue is important to us, and we are sick and tired of seeing people claiming they are indifferent to one of the greatest issues facing us today. Privacy is a fundamental right. When it comes down to it, anyone who says they have nothing to hide is either  a liar or misinformed. What you do online is your business, not ours, not the company you bought your jeans from, and certainly not your government.

Understanding Social Conflict in Latin America - Part II

              For me the main message of this book is the evolution that ICT brought to social and political relations. And the main characteristic of this, is the democratization of the media. Internet has been used for the good of humankind. Traditional media and the traditional political system should understand that politics on internet benefits everybody and support and encourage this cyber activism. This trend only grows because the people are tired of being robbed, excluded and deceived. We are tired of giving much more than to receive. This post is the second part of the summary of the book with the title above published at http://www.undp.org/content/dam/undp/library/crisis%20prevention/Understanding%20Social%20Conflict%20in%20Latin%20America%202013%20ENG.pdf

             In contemporary Latin America, four types of relationships between State and society commonly emerge. The first type, exemplified by Uruguay, is characterized by a robust State capable of articulating institutional frameworks in order to manage significant levels of social conflict. The second type involves conflicts that are not extreme or radicalized and States that possess moderate or uneven capacities to manage them. Brazil, with its para-institutional logic of conflict negotiation, represents this second type of State-society relationship. In the third type, society has significant capacity for and tradition of mobilization, but there are insufficient and weak constructivist capacities for managing conflicts within institutional frameworks. This combination results in high levels of conflic as well as radicalization. Peru and Bolivia represent this type of State-society relationship. Finally, the fourth type is characteristic of countries with a strong States and relatively low levels of collective action and social protest. In this case, typified by Chile and Costa Rica, there are few social conflicts, but this is not so much due to an absence of needs and demands as it is the result of the social actors' weak capacity for mobilization. The study reveals that social conflicts in Latin America are commonly managed in "para-institutional" contexts. The protagonist of social conflicts still pursue their interests through institutionals and norms, but to a great degree such recourse is also accompanied by para-institutional measures in which informal social networks and mechanisms of intermediation are often important. The relationship between State and social groups is thus often characterized by shifts between the formal and informal. The legitimacy of these processes depends on the public socialization of information and the participation of actors in defining goals and producing results. These processes also rely on the political-institutional development of the staqte's capacities to serve and constantly interrelate with society. In terms of the protagonists of social conflicts in Latin America, there are several relevant phenomena that suggest that L.A. is a region where weak States and polycentric societies are important. The States continues to be the main point of reference for social demands and a centralizing force for collective dissatisfaction. For example the State continues to receive the large majority of demands made by sectors (70%). The State also has an important role as the antagonist in sociasl conflicts. According to data on all four categories of conflict, the state was the principal antagonist in 63% of the social conflicts analyzed. Latin America is confronting a new global system made up of real-time networks of information flows and exchange. The intensive use of Information and Communication Technology (ICT) in the public space can be understood as creating "encounter" space, where ideas and values are formed, transmitted, supported, and fought over. The culture of techno-socialization changes not only the daily lives of people, but also politics. The Internet has become a place where new forms of conflict and power are expressed and developed. ICT allows for a more agile, flexible and spontaneous possibilities for political participation. The possibilities for collective action have grown because of easy access to and low cost of internet and cell phone use. Both classic sociocultural movements and actors are increasingly taking advantage of ICT. Many use Web pages to position themselves nationally and internationally. 59% of the actors in the conflicts examined in the study have presence on the web. The Internet allow movements to interact, share their experiences, spread messages, maintain contact with members, report on their activities. This is " massive automatic communication" in terms of a potential global audience. When a demand or grievance is manifested, it can be transmitted by thousands of people in a relatively short period of time. This phenomena "cyber activism" is understood as the strategy that pursue change in the public agenda through the dissemination of a determined message and its propagation multiplied by personal electronic publication and communication media. L.A. societies are generally characterized by an excessively concentrated power, markets that are uncompetitive in the global economy, relatively weak state institutions of questionable legitimacy, limited citizen participation, and inadequate institutional recognition of cultural identities. In order to solve the problems between states and societies -especially in terms of representation, participation, and mediation - it is necessary to reject all forms of authoritarianism. Accordingly, States and societies should advocate a kind of political coexistence that does not deny the different types of power, conflict, or discrepancies that exist in a plural society. In recent years, L.A. has experienced a political transformation that could strengthen democracy, foster development, and improve its global standing over the long term. This transformation is facilitated by political changes which include the erosion of the legitimacy of political parties and the emergence of variety of movements. Political systems play an important role in conflict management. Countries and societies respond differently to similar demands depending in what kind of institutions they have. The state's historical role as a social actor is central factor in the dynamics of the region's social conflicts. Governability is a requisite for development and functional democracy, and thus it can have a profound effect on the evolution of states. In large part, governability is determined by the political capacity od states and societies to manage their cinflicts without compromising institutions and stability. Although structural issues continue to be significant sources of instability, particularly in terms of socioeconomic problems and institutional failures, the study summarized here shows that social conflicts in L.A. does not present serious problems for governability. Social conflict in L.A. can be divided into three broad categories that represent the different kinds of demands that are collectively pursue: social reproduction, institutional, and cultural conflicts. Social reproduction conflicts stem from demands relating to labor and wage issues. Institutional conflicts most often address the inefficiencies or weaknesses of norms and institutions. Cultural conflicts involve demands related to quality of life issues, third generation rights, and the concept of cultural citizenship. Finally there is a growing trend for traditional and spontaneous conflicts and communications networks. The region is taking part in a new global system made up of real-time networks of information flow and exchange, affecting society and its dynamics. Technology and globalization are affecting the evolution of social conflicts in the region by redefining public space, favoring individual capacity and participation, fostering spontaneity, and elevating the profile of actors and issues.

Understanding Social Conflict in Latin America

             This post is a summary of a book with the title above published in 2013 at http://www.undp.org/content/dam/undp/library/crisis%20prevention/Understanding%20Social%20Conflict%20in%20Latin%20America%202013%20ENG.pdf

             Democracy is not only the free and transparent election of our leaders. It is also a way of organizing power that places citizens and human rights at the heart of its concerns. This is the essence of the idea of democracy, and it is what gives this idea its universal significance. Latin America has experienced three decades of uninterrupted democracy. The triumph of democracy in the 1980s and its current day-to-day development are closely linked to the tradition of social mobilization in Latin America. First, it is necessary to recognize that democracy is, on essence, a conflictive form of order. Based on the monitoring of 54 newspaper in 17 countries in L.A. it is possible to conclude that social conflicts in the region share certain characteristics. Firstly, these conflicts are complex and ever more diverse and dispersed. These conflicts are also increasingly expressed through mass media, including both classic forms of media and new communications networks. Furthermore, they are expressed within the context of structures of concentrated power which are vehemently questioned by large segments of society. In L.A. these conflicts are characterized by a high degree of citizens participation. Likewise, the demands that they channel enjoy a high level of social legitimacy. Secondly, in many cases, it expresses a certain common sense regarding the processes of development. This study identifies three spheres of conflict-social reproduction, institutional, and cultural conflicts- each which has a different logic. However, these conflicts have a common denominator in the sense that they are related to pragmatic demands for improvements in the quality of life. Thirdly, the problem is not the conflict occurs on society today, but rather that the State lacks the necessary capacities to manage them in an effective manner. Many conflicts tend to grow because there is a lack of institutional frameworks which are capable of providing platforms for dialogue and negotiation. Fourthly, this study supports political constructivism as the best political approach for processing conflict. In fact, social conflict test the capacity of political systems to respond to the needs and demands of society. Political constructivism seeks to strengthen and expand democracy. Conflict analysis is a crucial tool for understanding social and political processes, and for guiding conflict management and decision-making toward the peaceful and constructive transformation of conflicts. Both processes of building sociopolitical order and a common vision involve conflict. Political developments in the last decades, which include that decline in the legitimacy of political parties and the emergence of variety of movements, in a greater extent contributed to a political transformation that could stregthen democracy, development, and the global standing of the region over the long term. The study adopts a classic definition of social conflict as a process of contentious interaction between social actors and institutions which mobilize with different levels of organizations and act in order to improve conditions, defend existing situations, or advance new alternative social projects. Conflict implies both the reproduction and transformation of social relations. It should be noted that the definition of social conflict employed in the study does not include violent conflict. Accordingly, countries affected by such types of conflicts, including Colombia and Mexico register relatively low levels of social conflicts in this study. This study's data suggest the traditional communication media are disinterested in the recent series of social conflict. On the other hand this implies that the press operates according to the logic of the market. It also indicates that journalistic ethics are deficient in terms of the media's potential role in providing indirect support to institutional stregthening, conflict resolution, and the formation of well informed and responsible citizens. At the same time that communications media companies have grown more powerful there has been a democratization trend in communications. New media (especially internet) offer a more direct and proactive access to global communication. Individuals have increasing space to produce information and directly contribute to the creation of narratives and collective perspectives.. In this context of reconfigured public space, there is growing independence from party systems and personal perspectives have more weight. Public opinion polls are the new political instruments of a relatively new system of governance that could complement representative democracy. Access to television, cellphones, and the internet grew dramatically, resulting in a new type of socialization in the daily activities of Latin Americans. "Politics on the Internet" have acquired more importance. Modern communications media introduce new languages and reconfigure collective action, the practice of politics, and the relationship between state and society. Although conflicts have various shades and conotations that make their categorization difficult, the study employs three broad categories of conflict in order to compare and analyze collective action across the region. These categories encompass the different demands that are the basis for collective mobilization: the demands and struggles for social reproduction and quality of life are essentially practical; institutional conflicts demand more efficiency and legitimacy from state institutions; and cultural conflicts aim to change ways of life, and are thus strategic in nature. In general, social groups and individuals protest in order to address tangible and pragmatic issues that directly affect their living conditions, improve their conditions, and call attention to deficiencies in institutions. Protest over values and politics beliefs are also relevant in the region's cultural conflicts. These three categories of conflicts are not completely independent. They arise from similar needs but emphasize different issues. Social conflicts in L. A. involve both a transition towards and a demand for social change. This study adopts a normative view of political constructivism (politics guided by values), and one of the conceptual underpinnings of the study is the recognition of constructivist politics as the best political model for managing social conflict. Political constructivism engages power struggles and seeks to establish a common order. It does this by reinforcing democracy and sociocultural plurality without denying that such order is the result of conflict processes. Conflict is thus not synonymous of violence. Instead, it is a dimension of diversity and interculturality inherent in democracy and peace. Politics and political actors are defined through conflict processes which are driven by unequal power relations (both real and historical). Social conflict in itself is not negative. If conflict is managed through dialogue and negotiation, while addressing both structural and circumstantial causes. Politics can be understood as the art of the best possible outcome and a process that leads to the formation of pluralism. According to Gianni Vattimo (2006), it is not that we reach an agreement when we find the truth, but rather that we find the truth when we reach an agreement. Political freedom is possible, and moreover it is a factor of development given that it makes it possible for different options to be created according to cultural identities, values, and personal and collective aspirations. The hypothesis here is that the principal historical and contemporary patterns of inequality must be overcome if democracy is to take us beyond the "dialetic of the denial of the other". In order to solve the problems of representation and participation that exist between states and societies it is necessary to reject authoritarianism, whether it is communitarian or elitist, or favors the political elite of the left or right. This entails recognizing social actors and providing them with spaces for participation in accordance with their goals and interests. Authoritarian culture that denies otherness appears to lead toward a system of final options where "the other" is seen as an enemy to be conquered, destroyed, or bought. Latin America societies should review the region's frustated attempts to establish hegemonic systems in which one class (proletariat or bourgeois) or region is dominant over others. In a democracy, these challenges are related to human rights and the way citizens form community and coexist. This study argue in favor of a political form of coexistence in which shared objectives may be pursued without denying power, conflict, or discrepancy in their multiple forms. In this sense, politics is not only an instrument of negotiation, It can also be exercise in understand memory and freedom. All people will benefit if the common good can be pursued and deliberated freely with others in public spaces. The patrimonial corporative state and the popular-nationalist regimes that emerged from the populist movements provided the salient foundations upon which new forms of conflict emerged. They included the strategic role of state enterprises in economic development, the emergence of cartels of bureaucratic power, strengthened intermediation mechanisms between state and society, and the development of bureaucratic clientelism. The imposition of political actors into social actors signaled the latter's loss of autonomy . The populist processes increasingly lost legitimacy as conflicts developed within social movements and the state, and power was excessively concentrated in the state. During a new stage of  "dependent capitalism", state power was organized in line with modern intelligence institutions in order to instill militarized social discipline and order by means of fear, repression, and the control of public opinion. Conflicts involving popular actors who pushed for even minimal demands ended in purely defensive actions because any expression of contentiousness or combativeness was "taken care of" with heavy repression. In this context, increasingly intense struggles and demands for human rights and the democratization of politics began to emerge. Conflict over human rights was the avenue by which popular movements were reborn. These conflicts invoked the continuity and historical memory of popular struggle, and they emphasized the need to introduce ethics into politics and the very logic of social conflict. Their demands were not limited to the drama of families of the disappeared and the imprisioned. They also tackled the problem of legitimacy in a democratic society. The struggle for human rights underscored the indispensable role of ethics in politics and the need for institutional controls in morality and the indiscriminate use of power. These movements involved a social critique of the supposed immorality of the ruling classes and they expressed the desire for more transparent and participatory forms of politics.

Education is Fundamental for Development and Growth

             This post is a summary of four articles. The first was published in April of 2012 at  https://community.oecd.org/docs/DOC-41754. The second was published at  http://www.oecd.org/edu/Directorate-for-education-and-skills-brochure.pdf. The third was published at http://www.frbsf.org/education/publications/doctor-econ/2004/february/job-skills-labor/. The fourth with the title above was published at http://blogs.worldbank.org/education/education-is-fundamental-to-development-and-growth

            The confluence of rapid technical change, globalisation and economic liberalisation in recent years has prompted governments in developed and developing countries alike to prioritise skills development as a strategy for economic competitiveness and growth. In developing countries the challenges are complex. Yet while these countries report lower average levels of educational attainment than developed countries, in some developing countries significant numbers of those with higher levels of formal qualifications end up unemployed, working in jobs that under-utilise their skills or emigrating to other countries. The result is a misallocation and waste of resources that these countries can ill-afford. Developing countries are therefore in urgent need of new strategies and approaches that focus more explicity on the links and coherence between skills and employment and productivity. Skills affect people's lives and economic and social development in many ways. Skills improve labour market outcomes both in terms of employment rates and earnings. But the positive role of skills extends beyond impact on career prospects: adults with low levels of skills have a higher likelihood of reporting poor health and participate much less in politics; an adult with high levels of skills are much more likely to feel that they have a voice that can make a difference. These results are consistent across a wide range of countries, confirming that skills have a profound relationship with economic and social outcomes across a wide range of contexts. Skills are also key to tackling inequality and promoting social mobility. Investing in human capital is the single most effective way of not just promoting growth but also of distributing its benefits more fairly. Investing in skills is far less costly, in the long run, than paying the price of poorer health, lower incomes, unemployment and social exclusion, all of which are closely tied to lower skills. Governments face a number of challenges to make the most of available skills. Getting the best returns requires the ability to assess the quality and quantity of the skills available in the population, determine and anticipate the skills required in the labour market, and develop and use those skills effectively in better jobs that lead to better lives. Skills policy requires coherence and co-operation across all areas and levels of government, as well as with the private sector, social partners, teachers and parents. Skills development is more effective if the world of learning and the world of work are linked. 

                  Without proper investment in skills, people languish on the margins of society, technological progress does not translate into economic growth, and countries can no longer compete in an increasingly knowledge-based global society. Countries are looking for more guidance on how to strengthen employability through work-based learning and traning. To this end, OECD is launching a new area of work that aims to better co-ordinate work-based learning with classroom learning and ensure that the outcomes of both are fully recognised; tackle unemployment and improve recruitment; and exploit new tech to pursue distance leaning and other options in work-based learning. A well-formulated, responsive education policy will not deliver results if it is not implemented effectively. 

                 What is the importance of developing job skills? This is an excellent question. Simply put, it is very important to develop job skills. No skills equal few jobs; few job opportunities equal lower earnings, etc. One obvious way to obtain skills in an environment of rapid technological change and increased global competition is to get an education. So what is the value of an education? As is illustrated annual earnings increased dramatically as the level of education rose; and those differences widened noticeably. According to a recent report, our society is better educated than ever. 84% of adults completed high school and 26% hold bachelors degrees. However, even as our society becomes more educated, some workers are seeing their industries phased out and their skills left behind. The only way to stay ahead of this trend is for workers to continue to educated themselves. The workplace is more competitive than ever and changes on a seemingly daily basis. To adjust to this rapidly changing environment more and more workers are choosing to return to school to upgrade or improve their skills and earning capacity.

            Education is fundamental to development and growth. The human mind makes possible all development achievements, from heath advances to efficient administration. For countries to reap these benefits fully, they need to unleash the potential of the human mind. And there is no better tool for doing so than education. While enrolments have risen around the world, learning levels have remained disappointingly. Because growth, development and poverty reduction depend on the knowledge and skills that people acquire, not the number of years that they sit in a classroom, we must transform our call for Learning for All. The forthcoming Education Strategy will emphasize several ideas: 1) Foundational skills acquired early in childhood make possible a lifetime of learning. The science of brain development shows that learning needs to be encouraged early and often, both inside and outside of the schooling system. In the primary years, quality teaching is essential to give students the literacy and numeracy on which learning depends. Adolescence is also a period of high potential for learning, but many teenagers leave school at this point. For those who drop out early, second-chance learning opportunities are essential to ensure that all youth can acquire skills for the labor market. 2) Getting results requires smart investments, that is, investment that prioritize and monitor learning, beyond traditional metrics, such as the number of students enrolled. Resources are too limited and the challenges too big to be designing policies in the dark. 3) Learning for all means that all students acquire the knowledge and skills that they need. Achieving learning for all will be challenging, but it is the right agenda now. It is the knowledge and skills that children and youth acquire today, not simply their school attendance, that will drive their employability, productivity, health, and well-being in the decades to come, and that will help ensure that their communities and nations thrive.