For me the main message of this book is the evolution that ICT brought to social and political relations. And the main characteristic of this, is the democratization of the media. Internet has been used for the good of humankind. Traditional media and the traditional political system should understand that politics on internet benefits everybody and support and encourage this cyber activism. This trend only grows because the people are tired of being robbed, excluded and deceived. We are tired of giving much more than to receive. This post is the second part of the summary of the book with the title above published at http://www.undp.org/content/dam/undp/library/crisis%20prevention/Understanding%20Social%20Conflict%20in%20Latin%20America%202013%20ENG.pdf
In contemporary Latin America, four types of relationships between State and society commonly emerge. The first type, exemplified by Uruguay, is characterized by a robust State capable of articulating institutional frameworks in order to manage significant levels of social conflict. The second type involves conflicts that are not extreme or radicalized and States that possess moderate or uneven capacities to manage them. Brazil, with its para-institutional logic of conflict negotiation, represents this second type of State-society relationship. In the third type, society has significant capacity for and tradition of mobilization, but there are insufficient and weak constructivist capacities for managing conflicts within institutional frameworks. This combination results in high levels of conflic as well as radicalization. Peru and Bolivia represent this type of State-society relationship. Finally, the fourth type is characteristic of countries with a strong States and relatively low levels of collective action and social protest. In this case, typified by Chile and Costa Rica, there are few social conflicts, but this is not so much due to an absence of needs and demands as it is the result of the social actors' weak capacity for mobilization. The study reveals that social conflicts in Latin America are commonly managed in "para-institutional" contexts. The protagonist of social conflicts still pursue their interests through institutionals and norms, but to a great degree such recourse is also accompanied by para-institutional measures in which informal social networks and mechanisms of intermediation are often important. The relationship between State and social groups is thus often characterized by shifts between the formal and informal. The legitimacy of these processes depends on the public socialization of information and the participation of actors in defining goals and producing results. These processes also rely on the political-institutional development of the staqte's capacities to serve and constantly interrelate with society. In terms of the protagonists of social conflicts in Latin America, there are several relevant phenomena that suggest that L.A. is a region where weak States and polycentric societies are important. The States continues to be the main point of reference for social demands and a centralizing force for collective dissatisfaction. For example the State continues to receive the large majority of demands made by sectors (70%). The State also has an important role as the antagonist in sociasl conflicts. According to data on all four categories of conflict, the state was the principal antagonist in 63% of the social conflicts analyzed. Latin America is confronting a new global system made up of real-time networks of information flows and exchange. The intensive use of Information and Communication Technology (ICT) in the public space can be understood as creating "encounter" space, where ideas and values are formed, transmitted, supported, and fought over. The culture of techno-socialization changes not only the daily lives of people, but also politics. The Internet has become a place where new forms of conflict and power are expressed and developed. ICT allows for a more agile, flexible and spontaneous possibilities for political participation. The possibilities for collective action have grown because of easy access to and low cost of internet and cell phone use. Both classic sociocultural movements and actors are increasingly taking advantage of ICT. Many use Web pages to position themselves nationally and internationally. 59% of the actors in the conflicts examined in the study have presence on the web. The Internet allow movements to interact, share their experiences, spread messages, maintain contact with members, report on their activities. This is " massive automatic communication" in terms of a potential global audience. When a demand or grievance is manifested, it can be transmitted by thousands of people in a relatively short period of time. This phenomena "cyber activism" is understood as the strategy that pursue change in the public agenda through the dissemination of a determined message and its propagation multiplied by personal electronic publication and communication media. L.A. societies are generally characterized by an excessively concentrated power, markets that are uncompetitive in the global economy, relatively weak state institutions of questionable legitimacy, limited citizen participation, and inadequate institutional recognition of cultural identities. In order to solve the problems between states and societies -especially in terms of representation, participation, and mediation - it is necessary to reject all forms of authoritarianism. Accordingly, States and societies should advocate a kind of political coexistence that does not deny the different types of power, conflict, or discrepancies that exist in a plural society. In recent years, L.A. has experienced a political transformation that could strengthen democracy, foster development, and improve its global standing over the long term. This transformation is facilitated by political changes which include the erosion of the legitimacy of political parties and the emergence of variety of movements. Political systems play an important role in conflict management. Countries and societies respond differently to similar demands depending in what kind of institutions they have. The state's historical role as a social actor is central factor in the dynamics of the region's social conflicts. Governability is a requisite for development and functional democracy, and thus it can have a profound effect on the evolution of states. In large part, governability is determined by the political capacity od states and societies to manage their cinflicts without compromising institutions and stability. Although structural issues continue to be significant sources of instability, particularly in terms of socioeconomic problems and institutional failures, the study summarized here shows that social conflicts in L.A. does not present serious problems for governability. Social conflict in L.A. can be divided into three broad categories that represent the different kinds of demands that are collectively pursue: social reproduction, institutional, and cultural conflicts. Social reproduction conflicts stem from demands relating to labor and wage issues. Institutional conflicts most often address the inefficiencies or weaknesses of norms and institutions. Cultural conflicts involve demands related to quality of life issues, third generation rights, and the concept of cultural citizenship. Finally there is a growing trend for traditional and spontaneous conflicts and communications networks. The region is taking part in a new global system made up of real-time networks of information flow and exchange, affecting society and its dynamics. Technology and globalization are affecting the evolution of social conflicts in the region by redefining public space, favoring individual capacity and participation, fostering spontaneity, and elevating the profile of actors and issues.
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